Timeline of the Gaza Solidarity Encampment Wave & Campus Flood at UC. Berkeley CASEY Growav FROM MV PERSFFCTIVE APRIL To TUNE 2024 illustrations from Enemy of the Sun: Poetry of Palestnian Resistance with whatever weapons at hand Contents Introduction a ‘Timeline of the Gaza Solidarity Encampment Wave & campus Flood at U.C. Berkeley s “Bay Area Autonomists Reflections on UCB, SFSU, and USF Camps” 15 “Bonk: University of California Office of the President Attacked” 1w “A Response to ‘Hind’s House is Wateen's House is Ahmed's House is Mahmoud’s House...” 20 “Student Intifada as our Historical Duty: Fulfill it or Betray it” 2 “Operation Campus Flood: Call for a Week of Autonomous Action on Bay Area College Campuses for Palestine” 2 “UCLA Students Were Attacked Last Night So We Retaliated With a Firebomb on UCB Campus” 29 “retaliation arson attack on construction site at university of kkkalifornia berkeley” 30 “The Student Intifada” a2 Introduction Resistance is a choice made with a knife at the throat. Beneath every question of historical agency, concrete conditions, organizational capacity, or theoretical acuity there's this:a choice. Poised on the precipice before which is passivity in the face of totalizing death, despair, destruction and beyond which is struggle against it, to make this choice is tooffer aslight chance within the continuous history of an ending world in order to end it. This choice—resistance—is not one made lightly, nor is it made once, for once you make it you must constantly remake it, holding steadfast to the horizon against all the repression in the world that seeks to vanquishaall revolt. ‘The horror we feel each waking day about the us/zionist-led genocide in Palestine ensues not from the sheer extent of death, the magnitude of the massacres, and the breadth of annihilation to which we bear witness. Rather, this terror emerges from the stains in our souls, we who continue tolive (ifyou can call this a life) only because it is us who allowed this to ‘happen, who continue to allow this to happen, who haven' collectively brought this to an end. The horror we feel each waking day arises from the foreclosure of the brief glimpses of the dreams of rebellion that have vanished, disappeared, or dissolved. When we forget that resistance is still possible we are doomed, we disappear. ‘The mass movements comprising the Palestine solidarity movement in amerika have failed. From the so-called “student Intifada of proliferating campus oceupations to the mass “non-violent” blockades of A15, from interminable peace-policed marches to nowhere to the “organized left’s” commitment to legitimacy and legality, isolating militants to protect themselves—all of these brief glimpses of mass resistance to genocide have failed—decisively. What their failure reveals is how deeply ‘embedded this genocide is with the amerikan project of imperial domination, thus also revealing how all institutions that remain engaged in amerikan state-building (non-profit, student, progressive, and electoral organizations) will be compromised from the start. Repression works in two ways—with all the violence of the world (massacres, concentration camps, prisons, and police) and with fear and forgetting through which we repress ourselves. Each time the solidarity movement came upon the choice of resistance and chose passivity instead of struggle, each time the solidarity movement came upon the choice of resistance and chose safety, legitimacy, and stability instead of struggle, each time the solidarity movement condemned the resistance to protect themselves—fear took the place of guns and forgetting took the place of cages. So repression prevailed, recuperating struggle in the name of imperial domination. Yet, we must remember that this “we” is not all of “us.” Resistance continues daily in clandestine flames, in underground shadows, in secret. Resistance continues daily amidst the ruins of an annihilated Gaza. As long as the resistance isn't defeated (and maybe even then), fedayeen continue to tunnel through the rubble to attack the zionist forces of devastation, even when the ground trembles and the sky shakes. Resistance continues daily behind the walls of all the prisons in the world. For even when it seems that life is impossible, that the dreams of rebellion have disappeared, that the desire to revolt has vanished, we must remember that as long as we still have prisoners, nothing is ever over. ‘When asked how we know that resistance is still possible, we respond with the example of our prisoners. We remember them. We carry on their fight. To forget them s fatal, for they are our memory. To combat amnesia, we must remember that we are at war, “seeking conflict with those responsible for the genocide, our bare hands around their throats.” Repression must breed resistance. These words are from one of the many communiqués published below in political prisoner Casey Goonan’s “Timeline of the Gaza Solidarity Encampment Wave & Campus Flood at U.C. Berkeley.” Published under the varying signatures of “some anarchists,” “Sacred Black & Red,” “Leila’s Daughters,” “Safiya’s Daughters,” “Marilyn's Daughters,” or “Blessed Is the Flame,” each speak o the necessity of resistance and its enduring possibility in an invitation to all of us on the precipice of the choice we have not yet made to join them. Casey’s timeline is itselfan act of revolutionary memory against amnesia, revealing under the totalizing inertia of inaction those slight chances for revolt, those slim possibilities of rebellion we can still pursue. Casey’s timeline is also an act of counter- repression, counter-history, revealing the creative militancy of our not- et cohered but still cohering underground. Casey s the only political prisoner from the 2024 wave of encampments and campus flood for the liberation of Palestine. They are an abolitionist and anarchist who has dedicated themselves to all struggles for liberation and who for years has been deeply involved with and committed to prisoner support work and direct engagement with incarcerated comrades. They've always pushed to ensure an understanding of Black struggle and revolt as central to their abolitionist work and through this understanding the importance of anti-police and anti-prison struggles in any and all efforts towards liberation. In June 2024, they were arrested by a task force comprised of the FBI and other law enforcement agencies in connection with an alleged direct action which took place in solidarity with the uc berkeley encampments which had been brutalized by police and zionists carlier that year. Casey insisted on taking a non-cooperating plea deal in which they plead guilty to one charge to allow additional charges to be dropped, not including any information or testimony against anyone else. Though Casey has received agreat amount of support from decentralized and autonomous movements, the pro-Palestine movement as a whole and all other autonomous liberation struggles need to publicly and actively support them. As the call for action “#FreeCaseyNow: On Casey Goonan and the Abandonment of Political Prisoners in the Pro-Palestine Movement” articulated, “despite vague assertions of the interconnectedness of repression and struggles between the amerikan policing and prison apparatuses to that of israel, there has been little material manifestation from that understanding within the us pro-Palestine movement. Meanwhile, coordinated struggle between prisoners and outside militants has been a key point of success for Palestinian liberation.” Beyond the bare minimum of supporting those facing repression, the call toaction continues, “any revolutionary horizons with teeth require long term prisoner support. This practice s key to the current struggle that led to the Al-Agsa Flood as exhibited by the rich history of organizing within prisons and the ongoing liberation of those being held hostage by isracl. ‘Those of us living under a plantation economy already have our own reasons to ensure incarceration is a central site of struggle. But if one does insist upon taking guidance from elsewhere and if one intends to ‘bring the Intifada home’ or ‘escalate for Gaza,’ Palestinians have provided . plenty of methods for how carcerality can be attacked.” “Casey understood this prior to their incarceration and there’s no doubt this knowledge influenced their own political horizons. If the pro- Palestine movement wants to also tote itself as an intifada they should take note of the militant organizing and support infrastructure within and between prison walls that occurs in Palestine. Abandonment of prisoners is where revolutionary ideals die.” State repression must be met with expanding our community resources to reach those inside. Bravery must be met with support. Our prisoners are the compass of any of antagonistic movement for liberation, since it s from them that we can learn how to make the choice of resistance and hold fast to the slight chance of a future it trespasses into the world of death and despair. As “Sacred Black & Red” articulate below, “Resistance is our historical and spiritual duty. To not hold this as truth is to give up and accept defeat, hoping someone else will do what it takes to disrupt the flow of capital into the settler-colonial project. We must bring the war home.” For the children of Gaza Forall the martyrs ‘With eternal revolutionary spirit Let us break open the prison gates at last Blessed is the flame that burns down the settler-plantation Free Casey Now Timeline of the Gaza Solidarity Encampment Wave & Campus Flood at U.C. Berkeley /////f // N\ 47— Columbia Univer encampment begins. /22— Cal Poly Humbold: escalates with building, takeover UC Berkeley encampment begins. 4129 — Columbia encampment is threatened with the possibilty of asweep. An autonomous group that night seines and takes over Hamilton Hall,renaming it Hind's Hal. ey Ay ey 418 — Columbia camp raided by the police, mass arrest of 100+ students. Encampment quickly rebuilds with community support, larger number of non-student / non-campus. workers join. [Quickness of effort 1o rebuikd the camp s factorin both the capacity of the action to boost morale and shift momentum momentarily in favor of the Palestine solida iy movement.] 4126 — True Leap Press begins tabling zines and propaganda At UC Berkeley, delivering boxes of zines to every Bay Area campus encampment s well s Humbolds and UCLA. [Upwards of 3,000 zines were printed and distributed during the fist two weeks of the encampment wave] 4/30 — Humboldt encampment and building takeover is Faided, disbands. On the same day Hind's Hall at Columbia s rided. UCLA encampment is attacked in the. evening by Zionists and fascists. — entity begins “Rafah Offensive’ [Bearing witness 1o this via livestream is what leads Casey 1o ‘permanently join the UCB camp.] e S e s S WY S/ — Casey begins stayingin UC Berkeley camp, after a night of defense work declares, “'m staying. I'm on 5/3 — Radicals involved in UCB camp strke from lfe” assemblies and day-to-day _life publish and circulate a position paper, ttled: *Bay Area Autonomist Reflections on UCB, STSU, and USF camps.” Frustrated with the reformist negotiation approach, they launch an important critique, noting a “power vacuum” in the encampments that the reformist and and activist “Lefi” opportunistically fils. /11— Casey still lving in camp, weekends _involve intensive work in the camp, becomes exhausted and atrition Kicksin. shs — UC Berkeley By this time, many radicals encampment ends prematurely. stopped attending camp and controversially to the fault assemblies which cedes ground of o-called “student further 1o reformists and the leadership” and its enablers activist Left from the actvist Lt 5/13 — Casey taken to hospital, calls doctor a racist afier Zionist comment is made about participation in UCB camp. As a result Casey i wrongfully 51504 involuntary peychiatric hold/ incarceration). ey Ay ey sz — Casey leaves camp due to exhaustion, injuries and stress. 5/13 — University of California office of the President attacked, with a communiqué and responsibilty claim published by “Sacred Black and Red” [Communiqué posted on 5/14 calls for_expropriation and greater escalation, for “attack”] /16 — UC Berkeley building scited and_ tuken over by approximately 60 people, renamed Hind's House. UC Berkeley supply ing expropriation over night, thousands of dollars in materials are liberated by an unknown group, e S e s S WY /19 — UCB Hind's House raided by police,arrests made. 1t casily raided because lack of community support by local millives and less student s29 — Palestinian student partcipation in the _building association in Gaza publishes callfor takeover than the encampment | greater cscalation from US-based students, titled “Its time for revolutionary escalation of the global student intifada for Paestine.” 5/20 — Casey in released from psychiatric faclity /30 — UC Santa Cruz encampment standoff at might with police, eventually kettled and arrested en mass. 6/12 — UCLA encampment is raided and attacked by the police arrests made. 61— UC Berkeley police caris firebombed around 4 -5 AM. An open space on the North side of UCH campus i arsoned around 10 P, ey Ay ey 62— A communiqué i published and circulated, laiming the UC police car is torched as retalition for the police atack on UC Santa Cruz, titled “Student Intifada a3 Our Historical Duty: Fulfil It or Betray 11" Sa1 — Statement published and circulated on the Hind's House buiding takeover, wi an affirmation of the effort and a critique of the lack of community support to defend the action, titled “A Response to Hind's House Is..” 613 — UC Berkeley's Koshland Hall building front s firebombed in retaliation for the police atiack on UCLA encampment A communiqué explaining the atack published, tiled, “UCLA Students Were Attacked Last Night $0 We Retalated with Fircbomb on UCB Campus.” /17 — FBI, ATF, California Fire Marshall, UC Police Department conduct o multi-house raid and arrest Casey, who is taken 1o Santa Rita Jail in Dublin, California and held on o millon dollar bail e S e s S WY 10— A call for grester participation from the Bay Area Palestine _ solidarity movement in“Operation Campus Tlood" is published and circulated in print and 616 — Construction site at the center of online (34 page pamphlet) co- UC Berkeley campus is arsoned in the Sined by Lolus Daughters middle of the day, to retaliate against the Saftya's | Doughters, - and government and UC system's support for Marilyn's Doughters. the lsrael-Zionist_entity, for the UC’s treatment of student protestors, and for the UC's decision 1o sweep houseles people in People’s Park and build student housinginis pace. A responsibility claim is published by Marilyn's Dax Arson Attack on Construction Site at University of KKKaifornia Berkeley.” Bay Area Autonomists Reflections on UCB, SFSU, & USF Camps by some anarchists May 3,2024 we are numerous. we have no name, no body, no beginning, and certainly no end. this isa call, a reflection, a promise that we will find each other. we are the spark to an uncontainable fire. in recent weeks, we've watched the new bay area (quite different from the one we grew up in) join the student movement to call for an end to the ongoing genocide in gaza. uc berkeley, san francisco state university, and university of san francisco are as of now the three local campuses where student-based encampments have launched. this reflection touches on the same concerns which autonomous folks from other regions, notably our comrades at ucla, have shared. without going into specifics for the federal agents reading, there have been numerous attempts for autonomy and escalation for gaza stifled by the university sanctioned cowards and the alphabet boys. we understand the majority of our fellow students and fellow young people are learning this shit on the fly and taking their first steps towards fighting for liberation. however, we understand there is something of a power vacuum that opens when students look to those with experience. the “organizers” who step in during these moments tend to be paid actors, pouncing to push their liberal compliance on students who then see these teachings as gospel. we see this as a threat with a history, a context, and deeply infected roots. we are in the bay area, with its own unparalleled history of black radical tradition, a center-point for the occupy movement,a bright fire burning from grief for oscar grant. the bay is the hub of countless counterinsurgent agencies — mostly nonprofits — many of which began preying on our people in the aftermath of these organic moments in time. the united snakes government fears black rebellion, and all rebellions so inspired and shaped. as we witness the attempted defanging of this critical moment in time yet again, we hope to impart this critical context on the readers. the united snakes has pushed the nonprofit system, its affiliated counterinsurgent dogs, and the associated colonial tech “gold. rush” into the bay area as a way of preemptively stamping out the specters of rebellion which haunt them. to the state agents reading this, both paid and unpaid, we have one word for you: boo! ‘we urge students, youth, all our beloved outside agitators to just say no. this movement does not belong to organizations. this movement does not belong to individuals. all moments in time belong not to one but to the numerous and the nameless. now is the time to pour gas on the fire and to push the fuck back. to all the students who are taking their first brave steps in this world, we are so fucking proud of you. keep asking questions, Keep finding each other, keep putting pressure. you are not alone, and this is just the beginning. www.indybay.org/newsitems/2024/05/03/18865767.php. Bonk: University of California Office of the President Attacked by Sacred Black and Red May 14, 2024 “The beginning of every revolution order that power has enshrined in the name of law, stability, public interest, and the greater good.” ~ Basel al-Araj ‘With the Aurora Borealis above us and the martyrs in our hearts, we attacked the UC Office of the President in solidarity with the Palestinian Resistance. Using a fire extinguisher filled with red paint we covered the facade and smashed seven windows. Then, with access to the building, we released 500 cockroaches inside and emptied a second fire extinguisher onto the ‘We finalized the act by leaving a water jug with “Bonk” at the scene — an homage to the militants of Cal Poly Humboldt and the international student encampment movement. As anti-colonial anarchists and communists we offer this act of material and spiritual solidarity with the hopes of shattering the illusion that resistance is limited to a single site. As Moten says “THE ONLY POSSIBLE RELATIONSHIP TO THE UNIVERSITY TODAY I8 A CRIMINAL ONE.” The University’s true fascist form has been put on full display, and hiding behind hollow progressive ideals is no longer an option for the dead-eyed desk killers. Abolish the UC showed us in 2020 that the University of California is nothing more than a settler colonial project, that their police are protecting the gates of colony, where knowledge is produced and captured by the State to only digits claws deeper into the flesh of Indigenous lands here and abroad. Let us not forget the UC became co-ed to breed settlers and populate the west coast. Speaking only to the UC's material connection to the Zionist entity obfuscates the extent of the political, theoretical, and cultural entanglements between the UC and the Israeli State. The University does not simply fund Israel, it creates Isracl, and launches this white-colony into the post-modern Empire. What does divestment mean when the very essence and foundation of the institution is a fascist regime? Where does Zionism begin and end in the University of California? Is divestment an oxymoron? The UC must be abolished. The “working-class” public colleges are not safe from eritique (nor attack). Some of the resulting encampments have established themselves as outposts of nonprofits and NGO loyal only to funders; moved by professional partnerships and personal brands. Revolutionary struggle and its legacies have been co-opted, deradicalized, and professionalized through identity-driven liberal pedagogies. By teaching a revisionist history that renders liberation movements compatible with capitalism, university-deputized counterinsurgents erase and demonize militant forms of struggle while smugly promoting an inert philosophy of nonviolence and respectability. This is one of many reasons why, although divestment is a valid and tangible baseline demand, our long-term focus should not be on reforming and reaffirming these institutions, but rather on resource expropriation and fucking them up irreparably. Across Bay Area university encampments and police-liasoned street mobilizations, escalation is consistently policed by weaponized liberal anti-oppression politics or crushed entirely by the fear of risk. Perpetual ‘hand wringing over what could happen obscures what can be achieved. Attempting to shape a militant movement into something that will never have to contend with repression is to abandon the pursuit of revolutionary ends. The attack on UCOP began with an ask: how can political analysis be articulated through attack? An effective operation begins with the needs of the struggle, the goals of the cadre, and its limitations. Threat assessments should remain realistic and specific to the actions being carried out. Within the American empire, what is solidarity with the Mujahideen of Palestine and militant student movements if not shapeshifting into a political fighting force? ‘We join the chorus calling for escalation in the imperial core: escalate, escalate, escalate! This is our historical and spiritual duty. To not hold this as truth is to give up and accept defeat, hoping someone else will do what it takes to disrupt the flow of capital into the settler-colonial project. We must bring the war home. “Let them do their work because there is a manhood in that work ‘which we will one day transform into holy struggle, and as long as the colonizer wants to kill our souls, these people are closer to God and to thelove of holy struggle than are those who submit.” — Sheikh 12z ad-Din al-Qassam For the children of Gaza For the martyrs ‘With eternal revolutionary spirit Break open the gates wwiw.indybay.org/newsitems/2024/05/14/18866217.php A Response to “Hind’s House is Wateen's House is Ahmed's House is Mahmoud's House...” May 31, 2024 ‘We hear your call and are with you. We heard your call the day Hind House was occupied, and were with you that night. As the police moved in we were gathering friends to defend the house, because that is what you had asked for. We are still gathered. ‘We agree that we are at war. The current way of things s a never ending genocide, a catastrophe. And we seck conflict with those responsible for the genocide, our bare hands around their throats. Hind’s House, Wateen’s House, Ahmed’s House, Mahmoud's House, ‘Oscar’s House, Banko's House, Aaron's House ... is not, in our minds, an end, or the end. Actions open new possibilites. There are many rooms to make. We've never forgotten any of the martyrs. We hope to find you as we act. We hope to take many rooms together. You said everything that needs to be said about activist counter- insurgency in the Bay. We have no words for them, as you said, they do the fascist's work for them, treat them as such. We do have words for some people we'd call friends, or comrades: Do not get stuck in your own projects and small circles, do not fail to act together. We are stronger when we do. There was an opportunity to defend the house the night it was taken, ll together. Where exactly were. some of you? An opportunity for escalation, for new possibilities. And, we were asked to come. ‘We think the house got rolled on so quickly because there were not enough people nitially there to defend it. The cops saw that and moved. ‘We watched them as they scoped the sich out. ‘We think we can both act all together in important moments and remain committed to the everyday projects we admire you all in 50 much. Capacity, recovery, strategically moving is one thing, hesitation and comfort is another. There is nothing to wait for in this moment, there has never been anything to wait for. Again, we hope to find you all in action. inlove, some fucking people wwiw.indybay.org/newsitems/2024/05/31/18866842.php Student Intifada as our Historical Duty: Fulfill it or Betray it June 6,2024 Around 4am on June 12024, an incendiary device was placed below a UC Berkeley police vehicle parked in front of UCPD station. The device was lit underneath the back left wheel of a police SUV, placed between the tire and underside of fuel tank. There were too many people around at the time to see the final result. Unsure ifit caught the tire and fuel tank. But the device has enough fuel in it to torch the entire car if it was successfully placed. “This act was done in retaliation against UCPD, for their attack on students yesterday ona different campus and o retaliate against the University of California for its support for the zionist israel settler colony. More. specifically - this attempt to torch a police car in front of the university ‘was in solidarity with our Palestinian siblings assaulted by the zionist state in Rafah. It came from a place of love for Palestine, and love for revolution and liberation of all oppressed people. This act was: In solidarity with the students attacked by the fascist police state at uc santa cruz. In solidarity with the students attacked by zionist street collaborators at uc los angeles. In solidarity with the uc berkeley students seizing the time and taking back Hines Hall with the resistance axis for Palestinian life, liberation, and total decolonization of the zionist occupied lands. For an end to the genocide of our beloved Palestine, and an end to the anti-Black and colonial genocide destroying our loved ones here. Alife worth living is lfe in solidarity with our Palestinian siblings, who, face down the settler’s scope with every movement, or every day. A life ‘worth living s a life in solidarity with the Ohlone people. We continue to return the land with this offering, A life worth livingis in solidarity with our Black and Brown siblings continuously surviving and thri the face of genocidal state violence here in the Bay Area. Blessed is the flame that burns down the settler-plantation. P Blessed are the rockets that wil free thousands of prisoners held captive. by the zionist settler entity and US colonizer police state. May the spirit of Revolutionary Anti-colonialism unearth the truth from beneath these occupied lands. Our heart will forever be tied to the fate of Rafah Knife to the throat of zionism Death to amerikkka Glory to the martyrs abolitionmedia.noblogs.org/ss66/ Operation Campus Flood: Call for a Week of Autonomous Action on Bay Area College Campuses for Palestine A Call for a Week of Autonomous Action & an End to the Accelerated Siege on Gaza: Friday June 14th - Wednesday June 19th Hurry comrade! The acceleration of the genocide and the Zionist war of annihilation against our Palestinian siblings must be put to stop NOW. Immediately. Not one more day. As students, alumni, educators, and local community who are negatively impacted by the military / prison / schooling industrial complex, it s an urgent and historic imperative that we take a fucking stand. Not next week, not next months not next lifetime. But now. ‘We have the numbers and the courage. And we have the resilience to outlast their war of attrition. For the past two months there has been a decentralized, horizontal, and widespread insurgency growing on U.S. college campuses, calling to #Escalate revolutionary action in support of Palestine. The current trajectory of this movement is doomed without a reassessment of the stakes and strategies we are currently using, NO MORE GRADUALISM IN THE FACE OF GENOCIDE. Anew phase of the the #Escalate movement on college campuses has begun. With Berkeley lighting the way. We are calling this OPERATION CAMPUS FLOOD. This initiative is an open invite for all who are sick of it, o join in displacing the displacers. From the outside in and the inside out, we need to raze the settler-plantation academy that provides training, labor, capital, and a steady stream of knowledge production for the Israel-Zionist entity. Are we tired yet of asking for permission for the colleges to divest from the occupation? All you need to begin is three people and some hammers and ATTACK THE GLASS. What if we popped the locks of the libraries and liberate the books, computers, and printers? Think of al the flyers we could print to further organize against this genocide. Can we expropriate the infinite supply of material wealth and resources housed in campus supply buildings? ‘We can seize buildings. We can take up space massively with community support. We can even turn UC Berkeley Sproul plaza into the New People’s Park. n “This is Ohlone and Miwok land, and the schools are also the front-lines of gentrifier real-estate development in every city. In Berkeley, for instance, the University is 100% the sole responsible party in the desecration of People’s Park and forced removal of the community who lived there, a community that found refuge there from capitalism. UCB did this to build more student housing, Just like the displacement of Gaza, the houseless community in People's Park was removed by the Zionists/Amerikkkans. We can take over the cafeterias and feed the hungry. On every campus. ‘We can fulfill the demands of the 1968 student movement to liberate the campuses and open them up to the communities around them. We can use our imaginations if we all act together, decentralized, horizontally, and with the shared principles of destroying the campuses until the US withdraws its support for the Isracli-Zionist colony. We can seize the dorm buildings and house the houseless. O, if taking space gets us arrested in nearly every new encampment or demo (exposing us also to massive state surveillance and network mapping) then is direct attack at the point of production not the only viable option that remains? Put otherwise, if these methods are not viable options at your local campus, then there are other options, much more stealth, quiet, and cost effective for us (and massively debilitating to them). For example, we could simply TORCH the buildings and artificial landscapes that colonize the land these universities occupy. Fire is quiet. Fire is quick and easy. And it only takes on spark. These campuses are already tinderboxes, and there are examples of targets and methods abundant. 2 parts gasoline, 1 part oil in a beer bottle does the trick. Or just buckets of gasoline. Some reasons to destroy the Amerikkkan/Zionist college campuses next week: 1) USS. college campuses produce the middle managers of global capitalism, white supremacy, antiBlackness, and cis-heteropatriarchy. 2) The administrators are complicit in the current gratuitous siege on Gaza. 9) College campuses in the core of Amerikkkan settler-empire are sites of disciplining students and workers into pure docility, a trained docility that enables the projects of genocide against Palestine. ) College campuses in the Bay Area also are facilitators of an even more P normalized genocide of Black and Indigenous communities here. Do we fully understand the correlation between the means we choose and the ends we desire? Our words and deeds? What we think in relation to ‘what we do? Are we honestly confronting the disconnect between our dreams and the reality of the situation of genocide that Palestine—as well as Black / Native / poor / queer / trans / disabled people here—are confronted by? We owe it to the oppressed, enslaved, and colonized peoples of the Bay Area to actualize social war here. ‘The U.S. state and the Zionist entity are the same apparatus, ya'll Amerikkka has been on the ground heavily fighting with the IOF (Israel ‘Occupation Forces). This is because they are mutually-constituting settler nations. Both cannot exist without the institution of the settler university. Not only do college campuses, such as UC Berkeley and Stanford, literally design and create the genocider’s technology that is exported to the Isracli-Zionist entity, they are also centers of Zionist and Amerikkkan white supremacist knowledge production. Alocal example of how Operation Campus Flood has unfolded in one Bay Area city: ALUC Berkeley campus there have been three successive arson attacks ‘within a three weeks span, i retaliation against the UC system for their allowance of police attacks on vulnerable student demonstrators, There has also been a mass robbing of a building. This has been the content of Round 2 of the UCB #Escalate struggle. Round 1 entailed the encampment, ‘which lasted several weeks and provided a space of care for people of all ‘walks of lfe. It was a beautiful spiritual atmosphere in the encampment. ‘With prayers, food distro, and peer-to-peer lessons in community accountability and addressing conflict in movements. The reformists in the camp fucked it up. But we also can’t blame them. They are just politically confused, and want the end of genocide also. We need to stand together, and show people that massive community support in the form of materially disruptive direct action against the campuses can force an abrupt decision to be made by the colonizer settler state. The encampment, in round 1, could have possibly pressured the UC administration for greater (more radical) demands if people simply stuck around longer to defend it from fascists/zionists and liberals. Round 1also entailed the takeover of a building, Hind’s House, which unfortunately resulted in the mass arrest of several people. Yet the building takeover was special and incredibly important. The fact that people seized a building for that long should be celebrated and studied. We can do that to several building all at once, one every campus. There is enough of us. The people outnumber the police 1000 to 1. Round 2 of the UC Berkeley struggle began with a targeted break in and theft of thousands of dollars of materials from a building, and a cop car set ablaze a few days later as retaliation against UCPD on the first day of Pride. The Bay Area has set it offSylvia Rivera style. After that someone lit ahill in the back of the campus on fire. And last night, someone firebombed a building on the northside of campus. These actions, it multiplied and done en mass can create a decisive rupture condition, which has the potential to force the divestment of Bay Area college systems from ties to the Israeli settler state. If they refuse, we should simply burn their shit down. Now, this is just one example. Every campus in the Bay Area s a different scenario, but each can be taken over and resources redistributed)or destroyed. This weekend of autonomous insurgent action against the colonizer campuses invites not only students to attack, but also (importantly) the communities around them who are affected by their colonizer- gentrifying-displacement tactics. It is important that we show out in mass numbers so we can successfully end this genocide. There is no time left. People are being murdered daily. What are we doing? Ifwe're even around in 20 years, imagine the feeling in your gut when you learned that you could stop this, but chose to do nothing? Many still underestimate how connected the U.S. settler state and the Israeli-Zionist entity is. If we actualize the social war against Zionism HERE, now, we have the greatest chance of ending the massacres that flit across your timeline and demoralize us. What people underestimate is not only the military connections, but in fact, the police state connections. ‘The police the bludgeon you are protest demonstrations are the (iteral) same apparatus that is oppressing Palestine and attacking South Lebanon as well. When people are in the streets they must be prepared to DEFEND themselves and everyone around them. Ideally, we should promote actions that target property and don't result in mass arrests. We need to defend revolt instead of letting liberals who hate uprisings demonize militant protest. Resisters instead should experiment with group-based and lone-wolf attacks on the key infrastructure (buildings, mainframes, technology) of the Universities and their built landscape. Trees, bushes, and dried grass makes quiet and quick attacks easy. Every action should speak for itself as opposed to people sharing communiques and posting claims. We need to take a stand NOW. Or else more people will continue to be slaughtered by the Isracl oceupier state. ‘We should make the newsreel instead of letting the mainstream and social media algorithms shape our consciousness and points of entry for action. Autonomy means there is no centralized leadership or no single vanguard group leading these actions. Autonomy means that people are free to do whatever they feel is necessary to force the UC system, CSU system, and private college campuses to divest from the Israeli-Zionist settler entity. ABOLISH “ISRAEL” ABOLISH THE “USA” ABOLISH THE SETTLER COLONIAL ACADEMY Bring the war home! co-signed by, Leila’s Daughters Safiya’s Daughters Marilyn’s Daughters wwwindybay.org/newsitems/2024/06/15/18867388.php. UCLA Students Were Attacked Last Night So ‘We Retaliated With a Firebomb on UCB Campus June 13, 2024 UCLA STUDENTS WERE ATTACKED LAST NIGHT SO WE RETALIATED WITH A FIREBOMB ON UCB CAMPUS NOT SURE WHAT BUILDING IT EVEN WAS. HONESTLY DONT REALLY CARE. EVERY SINGLE BUILDING ON THE UC BERKELEY CAMPUS DESERVES TO BE INCINERATED FOLLOWING THE UC SYSTEM'S TREATMENT OF STUDENT PROTESTORS. LAST NIGHT THEY ATTACKED AYOUNG WOMAN STUDENT WHO WAS SPEAKING HER MIND ON A MEGAPHONE. SO WE UNLOADED A FIREBOMB ON THE SIDE OF A CAMPUS BUILDING. THE FLAME WAS BIG AND SPREAD ACROSS THE TREES AND BUSHES ON THE SIDE OF A BUILDING. LONG LIVE THE STUDENT INTIFADA FOR PALESTINE LIBERATION STOP THE GENOCIDE NOW UC SYSTEM MUST DIVEST FROM ISRAEL OR FACE OUR WRATH OF REVENGE BLESSED IS THE FLAME wwwindybay.org/newsitems/2024/06/15/18867336.php retaliation arson attack on construction site at university of kkkalifornia berkeley June 16,2024 phase two of the #Escalate movement heats up at u.c. berkeley with a construction site set on fire in broad daylight. this was done in retaliation for ucpds violent assaults on vulnerable student demonstrators and to punish the university of kkkalifornia system for supporting the genocidal zionist-Isracl entity. this was an autonomous initiative in concert with the WEEK OF ACTION currently underway: operation campus flood. call it mutual aid atone p.. thisa ft e rn oo, we torched large portions of a construction site in the middle of u.c. berkeley campus. OPERATION CAMPS FLOOD on u.c.b. kkkampus has began with: — successful looting of a u.cb supply building of thousands of dollars, — the fire bombing of au.cb cop car, — the experimental burning of dry grass hills on the interior of campus — the torching of a building on the perimeter of the campus and now — the arson of a construction site (mostly construction materials, wood pallets, and massive dry bush area x this was done to further retaliate against the u.c.pd for attacking students at ues.c. and uela. x this was done as an autonomous (self-directed act) in concert with anyone who shows out to create liberatoratory _destruction_ until the u.c. system divests from the genocidal “israeli” settler nation-building project x this was done in solidarity with all displaced peoples who were removed from people's park - eriminalized survivors of genocide HERE. x this was done in retaliation for the u.c. berkeley administration’s attack on the houseless community of berkely and oakland — in retaliation for stealing the land called people's park lastly © this was done on father's day for all the palestinian fathers who have lost their children at the hands of the zionist and amerikkkan settler states © this was done on father's day for all the black and brown fathers who have lost their children at the hands of ws.a. police forces in berkeley glory to the martyrs blessed is the flame. 112 Marilyn’s Daughters wwiw.indybay.org/newsitems/2024/06/16/18867109,php 5 “The Student Intifada” by Research & Destroy June 21,2024 On April 30, events on two different coasts would together prove a inflection point for the student intifada that had bloomed on campuses across the US (and elsewhere)in solidarity with Gaza. These events would at once shift the direction of the student movement and underscore its ongoing limis, in ways suggestive for ts possible future. New York, had long been one of the most fraught o small part because the Columbia and Barnard administrations were unusually repressive early on: dissolving a student organizations, banning large swathes of public expression, and so on, while allowing a Zionist professor (0 harass a well-mannered and ccumenical encampment raised on April 17. The encampment made pointed reference (o the world-famous campus uprising of 1968, a act broadly noted and superficially understood. When dismantled by police in abrutal and highly visible rai supporters returned in greater numbers, entering into a sustained stand-off with administrators and riot cops both within and without a now entirely closed campus. This was only one of a number of instances nationwide in which the student intifada has shown remarkable persistence, improvisational lan, and principled commitment. This should not be understated, particularly given the fact that, while the levels of campus violence and antagonism have paled against the zeniths of the anti-Vietnam War movement (during which, if anyone needs reminding, more than 30 campus ROTC buildings were bombed and/or burned 10 the ground), the levels of violent repression have nonetheless been the courage of the campus movements must be registered as extraordinary. Negotiations with the re-encampment yielded litile and were declared a dead-end on April 20, On the early morning of April 30, again drawing from the repertoire of ‘65, Hamilion Hall was taken by an autonomous group and renamed Hind's Hall, crossing the threshold from encampment (0 occupation. Despite the internet-vaulted popularity of building seizures at Cal Poly Humboldt and a few other scattered examples, oceupation — from on t0 in — had been tacitly established throughout the movement as ared line. Its traverse at Columbia seemed to portend, at a national scale, both a fracturing of the camps’ centralized organizational structures, and a renewed intensification of struggle. That night, on invitation from Columbia’s president (a baronness named Shafik whose political theory could best be summarized as, Whateverit takes to birth a new generation of the Weather Underground), massive police deployments, bearing familiar armaments and less familiar siege machines, ‘swept Hind's Hall and the encampment, arresting 109 people and injuring many. ionist P Given Columbia's placement within the movement’s self-understanding, this might have delivered a broad impetus for escalation. May Day was just a day away. It was not to be. Across the continent, an apposite drama unfolded at UCLA. On that campus,the fortified encampment had been beset for several days by a motley of Zionist “counterprotestors” engaged in various well-funded and high- volume forms of abuse. In the early morning of April 30th, the collected thugs (former IDF soldiers among them) attacked the encampment directly and en masse in a petty pogrom lasting several hours, captured in disturbing details by those present but aggressively ignored — which i to say, enabled — by police and administrators present and absent, This consolidated the largely explicit ‘and generally understood alignment of the universities at a national level with forces of both formal and informal vielence. ‘The petty pogrom tracks recent political developments n the US in which informal actors, with a tacit and unsayable authorization from the state (regularly understood within a DuBoisian context as a racialized deputization), exact often tate upheavals. This has clear continuities ‘with the history of, e.g, racist lynchings, but takes on its own characteristics in this renewed moment of violent reimpasition of social hierarchies as a quasi- state project in the twilight of empire. While the increasingly familiar (and. increasingly legally immunized) act of driving vehicles into crowds of protestors offers a broad and clear example, Kyle Rittenhouse and Daniel Perry are perhaps the most salient comparisons, both having killed protestors during the George. Floyd Uprising (in Wisconsin and Texas respectively), both in the end with impunity. In considering the path to and away from April 3oth, it will be obvious that the fundamental challenge for the student intifada has been the elaborated, state-directed or enabled violence of its domestic antagonists, meted out according to the virulence of the Palestinian Exception. This should in no way be diminished. Internally, the movement has confronted as well a significant ifficulty in the ient of form and content, of tactics and goals, given position as a solidarity movement distant from its primary antagonists and its primary purpose, the liberation of Palestine. ‘The revolution in Palestine has been long, dating at least o the 1936-39 period chronicled by Ghassan Kanafani, himselfa PFLP member before his 1972 assassination. The transgenerational struggle has included bombings of railways and pipelines, airline hijackings,airport attacks — among other things, the kinds of actions that would help provide the world with the modern meaning of the term “terrorist,” consolidated by press and politicians in their transvaluation of (ant resistance in the seventies. Anticolonial warfare is by definition ‘asymmetrical struggle over territory; terrorism is simply what the imperial side calls the requisite tactics of their antagonists. In this case, form aligns with content, tactics with goals. “This history provides a useful reflection on October's Toufan al-Aqsa on October?7, 2023 — which was, among other things, study in asymmetric brilliance. Anticolonial struggle looks like this because it is anticolonial struggle, not (despite Zionist solecisms) because of the moral characters of Hamas or Jihad or the PFLP or DFLP, allparticipants in that battle within a long war. The same history offers a different reflection, a a quite distinct political level and. considerable geographical distance, on the student intifada, whose commitment is inarguably the liberation of Palestine but whose immi main, that the schools divest from firms and funds providing support to the Zionist entity. ‘The encampment or building occupation i often its own demand of the most practical sort. It blocks pipeline or the construction ofa police training, facilitys it stands in the middle of a vast metropolis, paralyzing the circulation of goods; it occupies a factory, initiating a de facto expropriation. But the Gaza solidarity encampments are “protest camps” in the classical sense, communicating a moral position. That is o say, they are not in and of themselves a demand — for the concerns of this movement lie elsewhere. There. is no goal to give Harvard Yard over to the people. Morcover, ivesting Harvard of itsties o Irael wil not stop the transfer of arms for the murder of Gazan children this year. And yet — everyone knows that these divestments, if won, would signal the beginning of the end of US support for Isral, which despite ts. intensity remains contingent on factors not likely to persist as US empire and its fossil worlds unravel. ‘The goals, that is 0 say, of the student intifada must be supported, evenif their realization lies elsewhere. Their content is genocide’s end and Palestine’s liberation. But their form is drawn from the history of campus and other struggles i the U.S, notably the previous generation of campus insurgencies in the U.S. (and elsewhere) irca 2009, whose maximalist goals were virtue and ice. At that time, groups established liberated zones on campus against an austerity-driven transformation of the university that all parties knew could not be resisted in the long term except by resisting capitalism as such. The goal was therefore escalation pure and simple, the compounding of liberation by liberation, even f the demands of the movement were ultimately determined, and settled, by the conjuncture. Escalation pure and simple cannot set the agenda now. To be sure, in 2024, people join the liberated zones knowing that US support for Isracl i as doomed inthe long term as the US — which is o say, pretty doome. For the moment, however, amidst growing international isolation increasingly characteristic of the age, and with the greatest generation whose virtue survives only according to the liberation of Buchenwald and Dachau,the US remains resolute in its Zionist sympathies. The violence marshaled against the encampments is a sign of weakness for global Zionism. But that is not to diminish its world-historically horrific consequences. ‘The relative weakness of the movement in the face of the horrors that it regards, and the rightness of what it demands, leads to attitudes that must be described as militant or, in some cases, activist. We hope to strip these entangled terms of the pejorative meaning that they have taken among the ultraleft, for the militant and the activist both indicate a position rather than a person, and a position that will i all cases be oceupied, for it remains necessary. In movements such as these, where the supporters gathered count in the thousands rather than the tens or hundreds of thousands, militancy is a fact of survival. The tendency to rule people in or out, to draw boundaries sharply, to centralize, create designated security teams, audit and vet participants — all of these acts of the militant must be seen to originate, to some degree, from the facts on the ground, or grounds: the encampments themselves, fcing off against Zionist counterprotestors, emboldened police, and an indifferent to openly scornful hostile student body. Linked arms in the face of police — refusing with the force of all to let one be taken — s the very nature of militancy, which tightens bonds, lashes the barricades together. Militancy is an oath, its relations vouched, made necessary through an act of freedom, Its sometimes shrill tones sound the hollowness of our relations under capitalism, the necessity for the kinds of thick bonds that would allow people to conspire together. From the antiglobalization movement to Stop Cop City/Defend the Atlanta Forest,from the ZAD to Standing Rock, militancy emerges where comparatively small movements confront achievable objeetives. It s possible to stop the construction of a pipeline, an airport, a police training facility, just as it is possible to divest US universities of their ties to Israel (as shown by another generation, the anti-apartheid activists of 1985-6. By possible, we mean, achievable within the bounds of colonial capitalism. ‘These movements are therefore different, in their trajectory and propagation, from those which voice inchoate, maximal, or existential objectives ble apart from total social reorganization, Tactics and strategies ‘appropriate to one situation wil not necessarily be appropriate to the other — ‘you can't blow up a social relationship, at least not directly, but you can blow up apolice training facility. You can't negotiate the end of capitalism, but you can at least hypothetically negotiate divestment from a half-dozen firms. The critique of activism which we inherit from the ‘90s was a eriticism of the misalignment of reformist strategies with revolutionary ends, where such ends were stated, whether by the Earth Liberation Front or the counter-summits of the antiglobalization movement. But it is often today forgotten how successful on their own terms those reformist strategies were. The point is on the one hand that limited victories are possible, and on the other, that such vietories may in turn become their own limits. Or to rephrase matters, revolution is something. ‘more than the aceumulation of such successes — in fact,it tends to unfold as the consequence of failure, repression, and counter-repression, and tends to render inapposite tactics and strategies which, in another instance, make perfect sense. The violence of the state can transform one movement into another, but only by making the movement, then, about the state and its power, which accepts no. challenge. It s the ambiguous partiality of this transformation that haunts the student uprising of 2024. In places where police repression has been intense and spectacular, militant and activist fractions move toward becoming mass movements, even as they shift the political focus from a genocide halfa planet away to truncheons and tear gas on the quad. The differing characters across encampments, from orderly tent villages under heavy manners to the wild building seizures of Manhattan or Arcata, bespeak among other things where each campus stands along the are of the transformation — from minimalists ready to treat the convening of a task force as a win, to maximalists sliding toward total antagonism. It is the logie of negotiation tself that arrests the slide and sets the tactical ‘agenda. We do not offer this as a fault. It is simply the baseline quality of a movement with specific and limited demands that must be won from an authority empowered to deliver them. Even as escalation can be a negotiating. tool, intensifying the discomfort and serutiny for the administration, the requirement that the administration must be considered a partner, must be ‘granted legitimacy and even the pretense of having an ethical capacity, sets limits on tactics and on ideas. It is a difficult rhetorical needle to thread, identifying an administration — and the police as their instrument — as the author of intolerable brutality, and at the same time as a negotiating partner capable of shame and equally deserving of approbation, should they offer even the least of concessions. ‘This dynamic plays out over and over. How antagonistic can we be, how ‘much must we self-police, each camp must ask itself so as to apply pressure while preserving the possibility of a negotiated settlement? Over the course of April's second half, the calculus began to shift. The sustained resistance at Cal Poly Humbolds, where occupiers (regularly making explicit reference o the events and archives of 2009) fought back police and managed to expand across ‘campus, became an iconic representation of the movement. Authorizations of militarized police power across the nation, notably in New York and Texas, along with images of rooftop snipers in Ohio and Indiana redolent of Kent State and Jackson State, eroded the pretense that administrators were simply faling short in their duty of care. In a complementary movement, negotiations that successfully dissolved encampments, such as those at UC Riverside and at Brown University, offered wins so paltry as to be broadly considered losses. All of this drove numerous encampments along the arc of transformation toward. escalation and absolutization — sometimes in the form of unspoken scissions between steering committees of activist militants and breakaway groups hell- bent on autonomous actions. This is where things stood in the last hours of April. ‘The petty pogrom at UCLA, however consonant with broader developments of American death, was also exceptional. That the informal violence was in some sense on behalf of a foreign power (albeit one which via its own founding ambiguity is entirely entangled with US cultural life and national interests)adds a degree of complexity to the dynamie. That the pogrom followed the choreo not just of reelance police work but Isracli settler violence underscores this dimension. Moreover, the mob violence would exert its own peculiar influence on the student intifada more broadly. One might expect in rain of this sequence that the administration, the mob's enablers, would lose: crediblity as anything but an inimical presence — not just at UCLA but throughout the movement. Ina perverse outcome, exactly because of the movement's inner character, which i to say its interest in limited goals to be won via negotiation, the opposite happened. Protestors did not hesitate to accuse the very administration inviing the pogrom of faling to prevent it going on to demand protection against recurrences. Such moral outrage, both contrived and sincere, has its basis in actuality It takes itssignificance in response to. very real threat: Zionist mob Violence against encampments now became an actuality (o be contended with, not just in Westwood but across the map of Gaza solidarity encampments. Without wishing to exaggerate the force cither of analogy or single example, this dynamic recapitulates an increasingly familir scene of the present. The fa right, animated by a commitment to often.racialized violence, more orless fascist in program, has pointedly turned o viglantism across and beyond what we once calld the imperial core; one consequence has been that numerous progressive or potenially insurgent social fractions have been driven toseek protection from various institutionl parties of order, old and newly fashioned. Rarely have things looked so bleak for radical left mobilization. ‘The bleakness of the present may explain some portion of the enthusiasm which greeted the student intifada as a legtimate expression of insurgent spiri “The character of the inifada, as noted, explains in turn why the particular form of counterinsurgency represented by the petty pogrom would prove so effective.In the circumstance of the encampments, the fiction necessary for negotiations, .. that administrations were legitimate partners possessed both of ethical capacities and a sincere interest in student welfare, was now granted a new realiy: the encampments were obliged to hailthe administration and their cops as guarantors of student safety against a purported third party. Again, it is of limited matter whether this vision of the administration’s role arose from real or feigned beliefs; in political comportment they amount to the same thing, wherein the captured elements of the movement now must hew to their captors as protectors, Stockholm $yndzome on the quad. Not only did this strengthen the administration’s hand in negotiations, it meant affirming the repressive convention of blaming everything on outside agitators. This in turn forced students to intensify theirselfpolicing while forming a condon sanitaire between the students and their potential comrades, the only real oute toward expansion of the movement, Some few encampments tricd to refuse these new or heightened constraints. In some locations the pressures drove open carlier issures, sending autonomous groups toward further building occupations and the like. These were exceptions to the broader ¥ motion. Instead of escalation, s opposite. The logic of the militant in its most limited sense was afforded all the remaining political power of the movement, which amounted to negotiating from a position of extraordinary weakness. Perhaps needless to say, this distressing turn, along with the arrival to some encampments of the university’s great siege engine — summer break — introduced a dying fall to late spring. The movement continues where the spring. term does, now most forcefully at the University of California where Research & Destroy began 15 years ago with a communique supporting the occupation of campus buildings, and where a rolling strike of graduate student workers and. other academic employees brought at least five campuses to distress and confusion if not quite a halt In this regard, form and content tlt back toward a clearer alignment. The strike, once and for good reason understood as potentially part ofa revolutionary sequence, has largely established itselfin the US as a limited means toward limited ends, specific demands. The return of the political strike to the precincts of the UAW, however, portends something more. As the institutions of empire have had progressively less surplus, less wiggle room, fewer fucks to give and fewer reforms to offer, winning these in any serious way has required ever more intensity. Ifthe path to revolution is no longer to be found via accruing reforms, then the reforms themselves, if that is one’s goal, nonetheless require something like revolutionary intensity. It may not be too long before one must needs blow up a pipeline just to win soedem policy changes. ‘This sets in part the measure of the current movement. The coordination of strike and encampment, if it can be developed, would be a significant and heartening development. Alongside the steadfastness of the student protests, the realization of the strike must be attributed, in large part, to the work that comrades have done to deepen and radicalize the UAW at the UC. Last year's strike may have been beaten by the university, its victories turned to defeats through the power of the university to recategorize workers, but the graduate. students remain mobilized, organized at the department level. At the same time, however, these strikes present at least two problems. ‘The first is that they accede to a legalisic terrain, requiring the negotiation oflabor law to find basis for a political strike despite a contract with a No Strike proviso. The union’s claim, that the summoning of police violence against protestors is an Unfair Labor Practice and thus legitimate basis for a strike, has shown itself both persuasive and vulnerable. The latter came clear on the first Friday of June when an Orange County court issued a Temporary Restraining. ‘Order against the strike, arresting it in s tracks. This would be less of an issue had not the strike itself, in the context of demobilized encampments and exhausted academic years nationwide, become the leading orientation for the movement, offering leverage elsewhere absent. Consequently, the fate of campus solidarity with Gaza was handed to the courts — a strange evolution from its origins in defiant llegalism, or at least principled indifference to official policies. The legal setback is temporary but the clock is ticking. ‘The second problem s the exten to which such strikes risk re- instantiating the problems of militancy at another level. During the 2022-23 UC strike, the necessary focus of rank-and-file formations on internal cohesion toward pushing past the grade deadline, where their core leverage lay, left other factions on campus (particularly undergraduates) with litle sense of how they might involve themselves and help push things forward. The connection between this strike, however, and the broader university Gaza solidarity movement, provides the opportunity for such divisions to be transcended, though such efforts will likely need to be coordinated at a distance from union leadership — who might worry that elements not directly under their control ‘will weaken their position at the bargaining table. The “stand-up” strike model is,in this case, no more a structure of escalation than it i a structure for forestalling the same, holding power in reserve. This is necessary for the union, not only legally, but in order to bargain with the university, by showing their ‘willingness to restrain their members. But it does not mean that the strike is strengthened by others acceding to the union leadership about when, where, ‘and how to escalate. It i already clear that the local's leading fraction, historically hesitant and even callow, willrequire substantial pressure from below. In truth, the university will likely be willing to yield anything of significance only onee it is clear that the strike risks turning into a wider campus conflagration, with lecturers and tenure-track faculty joining the strike and students engaging in autonomous action to liberate campuses. It is then that the university will truly want to avail itself of the union’s disciplinary power. ‘These problems have complementary solutions. The encampments, bearers of the initial spirit under the slogan “Escalate for Gaza,” will need to push the union to overspill the constraints of policy and of legalism. The strikers must by the same token overcome boundaries imposed by the division of labor at the UC, ‘and particularly the divisions among students, academic workers, faculty, staff, and so-called outside agitators. This can sometimes be difficult given the position in which graduate student workers find themselves with regard to undergraduates, for whom their real concern s the basis of solidarity but no less aroute to paternalism. Unionized educators may feel compunctions about violently blockading campus and confronting some of their own students who are not in solidarity, but students themselves need have no such scruples. Take the buildings, take the campus, then give them away to the broader movement, so that it can organize for work in other areas, such as direct action against defense contractors. Come back after summer and take them again. The fight for the liberation of Palestine will be long, For current letter writing information, ways to support, other resources, & updates, visit: https://freecaseynow.noblogs.org/ © LONG LIVE THE INTIFADA FOR PALESTINIAN LIBERATION!