THE REAL
DEATH
OF POLIFHES

The Real Death
of Politics

An Ediciones Inéditas Original

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Tmmp has been sworn in, the Left and Liberals have come out
in droves to denounce a president whom Congressman & Civil
Rights Leader , John Lewis, has declared illegitimate. Though the
grounds for illegitimacy, as he states, are not necessarily based on
Trump’s racist, sexist, isolationist, ultra-nationalist, anti-queer agenda
but racher that he is the subject of a Russian conspiracy. (Though we
have had presidents who have been slave-owners, rapists, leaders of
genocide, fervently anti-queer and yer they were able to complete their
terms) Others more generally decry Trump as a Neo-Fascist set to
bring 1939 onto American soil. The U.S. Radical Left clamors to revive
itself and swell its numbers. Though this Radical Left has chosen, more
and more so, to speak the language of politics rather than of revolt (or
revolution). This Radical Left sometimes speaks of communism as a sct
of affairs to be installed, and to which prolctarians must be won over
0, rather than the means by which prolerarians will frce themselves.

In Mexico, there are already some who are finding « fruitfiel ground
for a rupture away from capitalism and politics. Though even there it
is commonplace to point to the more radical clements of the response
t0 the #Gasolinazo (state mandated rise in fucl prices) as part of a
decp-state conspiracy to diseredit more populist responses: marches,
protests, list of grievances.

Here in the U.S. we had massive marches across the country, under
the umbrella name “Women's March (on January 21st). A variety of
critiques have been directed at it its centering of white womanhood &
its feminism, the trans* exclusionary images & slogans, its championing
of non-violence and a gencrally pro-police sentiment. On Trump’s
inauguration day, January 20ch, we saw the black bloc emerge, with an
attempt at demonstrating both a show of force but also o disrupt as
much as possible the pomp & circumstance of the day. Though we all
delighted in the punch-out of Richard Spencer, self-proclaimed leader
of the “alt-right” movement, by somcone dressed in black bloc we
could say that the same critique could be made of both the “Women's
March” and of the black bloc: they both were a but response to a
political moment. A political moment which bears decp conscquences
for this country and for the world, but a political moment al the same.

The Real Death of Politics | 1
Largely, most of the large-scale revols we have seen in the United States,
and around the world, the last few years have not been a reaction
against a political moment, but ferocious responses to domination
both cconomic and direct. See:

+ the #Gasolinazo
+ Ferguson

+ Baltimore

+ Labor Reform in France

+ Education Reform in Mexico

An attempt 10 create revolt has always been the modus operandi of
the Left and even of Lefi-Anarchists in a vanguardist way. Rather, we
contend the task at hand is to foster and help fiurther along revolt, but
the Left can only sec the world politically even when it hasits historical-
materialist glasses on,

The Democratic Party is essentially dead in the water. Many on the
Radical Left are not deriding party politics, or parliamentary politics
but rather are calling for a working-class party. To push for a political
party at that moment when voter turn-out has been at its lowest in
decades is not only politically unsound, it s tone-deaf.

“Granted, we dont have a political party in the United States
We don't have a labor party. And we're a long way away from
becoming a force that can enact policies to represent and
empower the working class. But we're building momentum
and making demands.”

~ Jacobin Magazine, “The Party We Need”

The Radical Lefi offers more of the same because their strategy
and tactics are precisely centered on a field where workers, whether
racialized, gendered, employed or not, have not been able to win in
decades: politics

‘We are still speaking of a new cycle of struggle in the worn-

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out language of the old. We can refine that language as best
we can, but we have to recognise that it is nearly, if not
completely exhausted.

- Endnotes, “Spontancity, Mediation, Rupture”

‘This language is largely the language of politics which boils down
the capacity for any substantive change in our lives into polls, charts,
numbers and voting turn-outs.

1f Not Politics, Then What?

One of the prevailing guiding principles for those of us of the
insurrectionary kind is reproducibility:

“Concretely, reproducibility means that acts of sabotage are
realised with means...that can be easily made and used, and
that can be easily acquired by anyone. [...] Reproducibility
also encourages the radicalisation of the individual or collective
acts of atack, extending to the maximum the autonomy
amongst individuals and collecives, gencrating, when one
desires, an informal coordination in which, outside of the
logic of dependency or acceptance, one could also come to
share the knowledge of cach comrade concerning sabotage.”

— Revista Negacion, “Reproducibility, propagation of attack
against power and some related points”

Reproducibility means bringing extra masks to the looting sreet party,
letting the people you trust know how casy it is to X or Y against the
police, showing people how casy it is to be as-close-to-invisible online,
disseminating simple ways to scam corporations to help you get-by:
Reproducibility guides us in our attacks against the State & Capital,
but attacks will not carry the day for the creation of communism. This
is ofien the critique directed at insurrectionary anarchists: that we bear
no image of what a future communal way of life may hold and how

it would be formed. Though any substantive reading of intclligent
insurrectionary anarchist literature would demonstrate otherwise, our

The Real Death of Politics | 3
fellow travelers in the communization current do bear the productive
notion how we can act in the here and now by way of communist
measures

“A communist measure s a collective measure, undertaken
in a specific situation with the ways and means which the
communist measure selects for itself. The forms of collective
decision making which result in communist measures vary
according to the measures: some imply a large number of
people, others very many fewer; some suppose the existence of
means of coordination, others do not; some are the result of
long collective discussions, of whatever sort (general assemblics,
various sorts of collective, discussions in more or less diffuse
groups) while others might be more spontancous... What
‘guarantees that the communist measure is not an authoritarian
o hierarchical one is its content, and not the formal character
of the decision which gave rise to it.”

— Léon de Mauis, “Communist Measures: thinking a
Communist Horizon™

Here we have demonstrated the suspended step of communization which
makes communism possible without the proletarian seizure of political
power and which makes of communism not a state of affairs but raher
a process which proletarians actively engage in from the very beginning
of revolutionary activity. Though our comrades in the communization
current claim that ow is the historical moment when communization
is possible, insurrectionary anarchists have contended that the time
has always been right. A reading of the illuminating text, Disie Be
Damned: 300 Years of Insurrection in the American South, demonstrates
that something akin to communization as the way towards a communal
way of lfe is not hard-encoded into any particular historical moment,
ratheritis has long been the way that oppressed peoples have responded
t0 the State actively trying to control them, their way of life and as
the means to be able to flce slavery and colonization, while making
communal and autonomous life possible. Ex-slaves and their comrades
would routinely raid plantations so that they could live outside of slave

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society and would often not make any political demands of the State.
Those involved in this raids (appropriation as a communist measure)
would be as much interested in disrupting and destroying slave society
as much as they wanted to be able to live ourside of i

What we need to be speaking of in this moment s not a zero-sum game
of recruitment of the workers, or the surplus population, or whatever
0 our side. These days hardly anyone but Radical Lefe dic-hards bask
in proudly calling themselves workers. For most, work is a drudgery
imposed which bears no possibility of bearing a positive program. We
often sec our work as that which is destroying our lives and the world
we live in, rather than contributing to a positively-viewed development
of the means of productions necessary to make communism possible
(t0 hearken to old productivist notions of communism). We view our
identities under capitalism as impositions which can prove to be sites
of antagonism against this society. Though we reject identity-poliics,
we also understand that favoring a class-reductionist worker-identity to
unite us is yet another form of identity-politi

‘The Anti-Political Turn

This leads us 0 a final poine. Though we found the Arab Spring
inspiring, we would roundly say that its failure to move beyond its
initial success was that it relied heavily on populist thetoric around
democracy, (political) frecdom, transparency and anti-cronyism (The
same critique could broadly be said of most of the Occupy Mov'). Its
attacks against the State and its forces were awe-inspiring but falling
short of a rejection of the State in foro and of capitalism allowed a
return to normality that we sce there today. This is why we describe our
position towards politics as anti-political.

There will always be push back against us by Liberals and the Lefi when
we act in a way that views them as unnecessary. We will be called upon
w0 explain our position and how it could be constructive or productive.
Such debate s ultimately meaningless. Some of us have already been
attacked by Liberals and the Left for expressing this very position. We
would contend that our actions may at times require some explanation

The Real Death of Politics | 5
but those who sce us riot, loor, fuck-shit-up and are inspired are ofen
those who have the most to gain from the fall of this society: Those who
have the maost £0 fose will use whatever means necessary to stop us and
we can understand why. Those of us who struggle to get by will not
finch when the ultra-rich get theirs.

This anti-political wave may take on different names according to
its context: proletarian insurgency, les casseurs, the invisible party, os
desmadyosos, thugs, exc. but they all point away from relying on the
state to recognize us as citizens to negotiate with. The point of course

is not to merely be ungovernable but o be able to initiate, with our
revoling actions, the means to live frce of the State, Capital, Patriarchy,
Colonization and Work. If we merely react to what Trump’ presidency
may or may not do, we then foreclose the wide breadth of actions we
may take. If we foreclose our actions around anti-fascism, we would
end up with a rerurn to a normality which was already genocidal and
miserable but which would not be called fascism.

Lastly we end with Léon de Mautis further clarifying what the nature of
what could be communist measures:

Likely to be communist, then, are measures taken, here o
there, in order to seize means which can be used to saisfy the
immediate needs of a struggle. Likely to be communist also
are measures which participate in the insurrection without
reproducing the forms, the schemas of the encmy. Likely to be
communist are measures which aim to avoid the reproduction
within the struggle of the divisions within the proletariat which
result from its current atomisation. Likely to be communist
are measures which try to climinate the dominations of gender
and of race. Likely to be communist are measures which aim
t0 co-ordinate without hicrarchy. Likely to be communist are
measures which tend to strip from themsclves, one way or
another, all ideology which could lead to the re-establishment
of classes. Likely to be communist are measures which eradicate
all tendencies towards the recreation of communities which
treat cach other like strangers o enemies.

6| Ediciones Inéditos
Daydveaming of the L.A. Riots of 92.

The Real Death of Politics | 7
MAS ALLA DE LA POLITICA

/1 EDICIONES INEDITAS // LIVE FROM LOS
ANGELES // TONGVA-GABRIELINO TERRITORY //
FOR ANARCHY + COMMUNISM

‘This is a non-academic, non-professional, non-white anti-state
communist / anarchist project. Don’t get it twisted.

Para Ixs desmadrosxs
For the trouble-makers

We're out here.
Live from occupied Tongva-Gabriclino territory.

Los Angeles.

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