Text of Anarchist Comrade Giannis Michailidis on the Struggle for his Release
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Text of Anarchist comrade Giannis Michailidis on the struggle for his release  Greece 2023
Position of Giannis Michailidis on the struggle for his release  Introduction  As T enjoy my freedom again, won through my second hunger and thirst strike, T reflect on the complex historical mosaic that not only shaped my personal choices but also wove the collective struggle against the state-capitalism complex. Far from being solitary acts of assertion, the hunger strikes were instead part of the social antago- nism within the complex dynamics taking shape in Greece and the global landscape as the assault of the dominant powers deepens.  ‘The backdrop in which these hunger strikes unfolded is character- ised by profound global challenges, where the grip of capitalism has led to an alarming concentration of wealth and therefore power in the hands of a select few. Meanwhile, the vast majority of hu- ‘manity lives in extreme poverty, crushed by the burden of industrial production and the relentless pursuit of profit by corporations. At the same time, the indiscriminate exploitation of natural resources has brought the planet dangerously close to the brink of irreversible climate change and has caused an unprecedented mass extinction of species.  In this web of power, States, whether Westen or Eastern, impose their power by claiming a monopoly of violence. They blatantly wipe out entire populations with state-of-the-art weapons of mass destruction or use more suble tactics, such as weaponizing hunger by systematically dismantling vital infrastructure in conflict-ridden areas. The world is on the brink of collapse because of nuclear arse- nals ready to wipe it out in an instant. Stripping away the harsh reality, the real agents of terror are revealed — the States. In these circumstances, as I reflect on the battle for my personal freedom, I recognise its connection with the wider struggle from which my prolonged imprisonment had temporarily distanced me.
This is not intended to elicit sympathy or victimisation; rather, itis a statement of my identity as an active social and political subject: I see my imprisonment as only one aspect of the merciless attack launched by the State and capital against those who consciously challenge their authority. Therefore, I have issued an invitation to re-establish the link between the struggle for the liberation of im- prisoned anarchists and the basic ideals that sparked their resistance and led to their imprisonment. I called for a relationship grounded in revolutionary solidarity, based on common goals and a collective struggle that encompasses diverse dimensions. This connection unites individuals facing different circumstances but converging on a com- mon cause, cultivating a collective strength that transcends personal struggles.  1: In the dungeons of injustice  Within the temples of institutionalized injustice that characterizes the prison system, a long journey began that would eventually cul- ‘minate in two difficult hunger strikes. These strikes were motivated not only by a personal search for justice, but also by the need to expose the pervasive corruption and arbitrariness inherent in the foundations of the judicial system. My ordeal began in 2011, when Ifaced an arrest warrant in connection with the Conspiracy cells of Fire case. That prosecution later collapsed, resulting in my acquittal due to the lack of a clear link between me and the charges. Two years of flight followed, marked by choices that ultimately led me to the prison gate. A ten-year prison term loomed over me, influenc- ing my decisions. During this period, the vindictiveness of the State was always felt. My comrades and I endured brutal police violence when we were arrested in the bank robbery in Velvento, Kozanis, and an incident that remained invisible in the eyes of Greek justice. ‘The Ministry of Public Order then chose an unusually provocative stance, publishing photographs of our battered faces.
This was soon followed by successive arrests, two of which were linked to the activities of the Conspiracy of Cells of Fire. The case fills lsted my name as a participant in acts with which I had noth- ing to do, without any evidence or testimony linking me to the  charges.  ‘The culmination of this judicial arbitrariness was my sentencing to an additional 11 years in prison for possession of cartridges, despite the fact that they were discovered in the house of a comrade, who told the court that they belonged to him. In a surreal mock trial, we were convicted of possessing the cartridges collectively in order to individually carry out “individual terrorism” based on alleged in- tentions. Itis noteworthy that this case, full of absurdity. is the only application of the law on individual terrorism in Greek judicial his- tory. The fact that the Supreme Court upheld this unprecedented farce is evidence of the extent to which the so-called “independent™ judiciary is entangled in party politics and government directives, consistently exploiting the management of the advancement of judges to manipulate and control the outcome of trials. As I was about to finish my sentence, in 2019, a prosecution for alleged rioting in Korydallos was pulled out of the drawer against several comrades including me. Asa result, my permits were cut off, and consequently Twas deprived of the possibility of being in a rural prison. As it was obvious that my prison sentence was now much longer than ex- pected. I chose to escape, a choice that the State would later, after my arest in January 2020, retaliate harshly for.  As of 29 December 2021, T had completed 3/5 of my merged sen- tence of 20 years, plus 2/5 of the sentence for escape, for a total of § years and 3 months of actual sentence. The prison secretariat in- vited me to sign a demand for conditional release, as required by law. However, this seemingly simple procedure introduced me to another chapter of state vindictiveness, characterized by the denial of parole. This time, I was deemed potentially dangerous, a ridicu- lous pretext for continued incarceration based on the arbitrary be- e that sufficient time had not elapsed for my “rehabi
supposed correction. This ridiculous argument, an argument that runs counter to logic itself as the longer one stays inside, the more difficultit becomes to reintegrate, is used repeatedly, mutilating the lives of countless prisoners.  At the same time that those who have the financial means or the right connections benefit from early release and parole, those who decide with dignity to rebel or escape are characterized as insubor- dinate and are deprived of their right to freedom after completing their sentence, under funny pretexts. This is just one example of how officials of the system handle the law, as those who use these legal windows against us often reach high positions, building their careers on the backs of vulnerable prisoners who are sentenced to long sentences. This inequality is defiantly highlighted in ‘their own children’, who benefit from the leniency of the system, securing their release or even avoiding incarceration altogether.  A provocative example is the case of Korkoneas, the policeman re- sponsible for the murder of the comrade Alexandros Grigoropoulos. ‘The judicial system was quick to secure his early release. Such spe- cial treatment was also accorded to the police officers who deliber- ately killed Nikos Sambanis in Perama and to the prison guards who tortured to death Ilir Kareli, who were acquitted.  2: The hunger strike as an experience and as a weapon  ‘The decision to go on hunger strike was a deeply personal and emo- tionally charged choice. It was not a decision taken lightly, but one that arose from a deep yearning for my lost freedom and an unwa- vering will to highlight systemic injustice in a way that would have the deepest possible social impact.  Atits core, the hunger strike goes beyond mere protest; it becomes an indelible experience. Itis a means of transforming the ordeal into an experience, bringing you closer to those who endure hunger on a daily basis. As T voluntarily embraced hunger, a connection was created within me between my deprivation and the suffering  5
of countless individuals worldwide who struggle o find food.  This feeling is not only about human hunger; it extends to the hun- ‘gerof animals forcibly expelled from the land, their homes and their ‘means of subsistence, which are being taken over and exhausted by the expansive mechanism of industrialisation. The act of hunger strike can be experienced as a state of connection with these de- prived souls, human and animal, suffering under the weight of eco- logical destruction and capitalist greed.  Beyond the physical ordeal of hunger, the hunger strike has a pro- found symbolic weight. It serves as a channel for expressing the deep-rooted frustration and anger that have built up over years of imprisonment, arbitrary actions and prevailing injustice. Itis a raw, raw cry against a system that has declared war on the principles of justice and freedom.  In my view, the hunger strike is not only a struggle for personal freedoms; it is a passionate call to action. It is a stark reminder that the struggle for justice, equality and the dismantling of the gilded cage of industrial civilization requires an emotional and intensely personal effort for all of us. It is a call to unite, to forge an instinc- tive connection to the shared passion and aspirations that bind us in this ongoing struggle.  The experience of the hunger strike represented an act of personal rebellion, rooted in the conviction that my prison situation was not exclusively mine, but part of a wider attack by the State and capital against all those who dare to resist. It has been an emotional jour- ney, and I hope it serves as a rallying point for the larger struggle, uniting us in the relentless pursuit of freedom.
3: The chronicle of the first hunger strike  One of the most remarkable aspects of the hunger strike was the ‘roundswell of support it generated. During the first hunger strike, the response from comrades and beyond. both in Greece and around the world, was unexpected. It was a proof of the enormous power of solidarity and our common desire to challenge the system. As T embarked on this grueling march, I felt a deep connection being forged with those who stood beside me in this act of resistance, and that the message I was sending out would have long-term effects that would likely not be seen in the present ot in the immediate future.  Within the walls, to see so many comrades enduring the same hunger in the pursuit of justice and freedom was deeply encourag- ing. This collective action served as a powerful reminder of the unbreakable bonds that unite us in our struggle against the power of the State and capital  However, the reaction of the State has been far from what one would expect in the face of such widespread solidarity. Instead of responding to our demands to reduce the political and social costs, the State chose to reject my requests for parole, seeking to keep me imprisoned. At the same time, the judicial circus began releas- ing people convicted of heinous crimes, including rapists and the only one of Zac Kostopoulos’ killers, while I continued my hunger strike for my freedom.  In the midst of these worrying developments, the hunger strike took on a new dimension. It was no longer just a personal struggle for freedom; it had become a symbolic resistance against a system that prioritized the release of murderers over the release of those who dared 10 oppose its power. It became a powerful reminder of the injustices perpetuated by the State and an urgent call for change.
Street justice, delivered by those who refused to forget and demanded justice for victims of police violence, became a powerful force for accountability. It served as a reminder that the struggle for justice extends beyond the confines of the courtroom and spills into the streets, where the memory of those lost to State violence remains alive.  Inthose moments, the hunger strike symbolized not only a personal search for freedom but also a collective demand for justice. It reso- nated as a call to action, and showed that in this world, true justice can only be achieved through our collective struggle. It had already become a resounding collective political act that resonates with our history and our ongoing struggle. It was a testament to the indomi- table spirit of those who refused to forget, who persevered in their quest for justice and who carried the weight of our shared history on their shoulders.  4: The decision to suspend the hunger strike  In this text T have to submit my self-criticism for the critical mo- ‘ment when T took the painful decision to suspend the hunger strke. This choice had profound consequences, not only for me persor ally, but also for the broader movement because of the message of defeat it conveyed. It is imperative that I delve deeper into the cir- cumstances and motivations that led to this wrong decision.  The suspension of the hunger strike was triggered by a series of unealistic promises made by State officials. Their commitment was contingent on the condition that the agreement would remain confi- dential, and 1. perhaps naively, assumed that they would on their part honour the agreement to avoid public exposure. This misjudg- ‘ment was influenced. in part, by my isolation under the special de- tention regime, which severed my relationships with close comrades ~ those who possessed both the knowledge of the facts and the po-
litical acumen to recognize the trap that had been set  At that particular juncture, T was faced with an important dilemma. 1 had reluctantly accepted an offer from the State authorities, be- lieving itto be the wisest option at the time. However, looking back, T cannot fully explain the rationale behind my decision and what compelled me to follow this path.  Several factors played a role in this decision. Firstly, the harsh and exhausting conditions in the context of the hunger strike had had a huge impact on me. The physical and emotional strain was over- whelming and I was beginning to doubt both the soundness of my own judgement and the ability of the movement to continue to sup- port this struggle, especially during the summer holiday period. Second, T had been given false hope by government officials and the Supreme Court judge who served as a critical liaison between the judiciary and the government, and this undoubtedly influenced my choice. The empty promise of a favorable outcome exerted con- siderable influence in these circumstances.  However, it s vital to recognise that my decision extended beyond the personal consequences that I had to bear. The hunger strike was a collective effort and any outcome, whether positive or negative, was something 1 had to share with the wider solidarity movement that had been created. Furthermore, I felt a deep responsibility to record this outcome in the collective memory for future struggles  Some critics — and rightly so at the time — argued that the hunger strike should never have been started in the first place, but my belief is that it was a necessary step. It was vital to defend the gains of the prisoners’ struggles and to resist the judges’ demands for statements of repentance. Admittedly, there were tragic errors in timing and lack of proper legal planning on my part, which contributed to the adverse circumstances that ultimately led to the suspension of my strike.
Despite the unfavourable outcome, this hunger strike managed to unite and mobilise our wider movement. It stood as a testament to our resilience, even in the face of difficult social conditions. The hunger strike also revealed the glaring contradictions within the ‘jus- tice” system. Moreover, the anarchist community showed remark- able solidarity through the support actions.  5: The interlude between two hunger strikes  ‘The period between the suspension of the first hunger strike and the events that occurred that led to my decision to start a second hunger strike was extremely difficult. Very soon, it became painfully obvi- ous that the promises made by state officials were nothing more than empty words.  Meanwhile, in the interval between the two hunger strikes, other painful incidents unfolded that further underlined the pervasive justice of the judicial system. Comrade Costas Dimalexis was ar- rested and imprisoned accused of participating in an action in soli- darity with my hunger strike. This arrest was made without cor crete evidence to substantiate the claims of the prosecution mecha- nisms, revealing the arbitrary nature of the law enforcement actions. ‘This arrest, which was accompanied by a police encirclement and invasion of the occupied refugee camps, rallied several solidarity comrades who fought a battle of dignity against repression.  In addition, another 15-year-old Roma boy. Kostas Fragoulis, was murdered in cold blood by the police, but it had become self-evi- dent that no one would be held accountable or face imprisonment for this loss of life. It was another stark reminder of the impunity that cops enjoy. Despite this disturbing event, the reflexes on the part of our movement to this killing remained disappointingly muted, showing the difficult battle that had to be fought to address sys- temic injustices. This was followed by the tragic accident at Tempe,
where again the self-styled justice system, led by the same people who had mediated my deception, failed to bring any prosecution against the company executives and the politicians responsible for the loss of dozens of lives. This incident, however, succeeded in getting people back on the streets.  At the same time, I remained in the same situation for another year, waiting stoically for the predetermined decisions of the judicial coun- cils that were inexplicably delayed. By December, I should have resumed my hunger strike, but the blow to my credibility, combined with the realization that T had fallen into the State trap, led me to the decision to wait for some legal developments that might make my path more manageable, such as the statute of limitations on the rigged case of the Korydallos riot  During this period, every effort was made to deprive me of any legal right to permits, educational or tactical that could pave the way for my eventual release. The courts implicitly asked for state- ‘ments of legitimacy. challenging me to answer whether my ideol- ogy allowed me to never break the law again. Essentially, they de- ‘manded a renunciation of my principles, my ideas and my personal relationships as a condition of my eventual release.  The State narrative then shifts to my transfer to Korydallos prison for educational purposes, a move that had been pending for over three years. Coincidentally, as I was informing my close comrades of my intention to start a new hunger strike while in Malandrinos prison, my transfer was suddenly announced, leading to a postpone- ment of my hunger strike plans. With the subsequent rejection of my educational leave due to my alleged short stay in Korydallos prison, T found myself with no choice but to restart my hunger strike. Eventually a new series of promises followed which temporarily prevented me from announcing the hunger strike.  As negotiations with the State began, it quickly became clear that  1
their intentions were not so much to address the legitimate demands of my hunger strike as to deceive me. They lured me with conces- sions, such as the promise of a permit, only to later postpone its implementation, revealing their lack of sincerity.  However, in light of the treatment I continued to receive and the unfulfilled promises repeatedly made, the hunger strike was an- nounced. I felt an explosive urge to become politically active and expose the government’s collusion with a self-styled justice sys- tem, even though I knew my speech could be challenged. A hunger strike, however, would not only highlight the issue at stake, but also definitively distinguish truth from falsehood.  6: The new hunger strike and the thirst strike  Armed with the hard-won knowledge from my previous experiences and determined not to repeat the same mistakes, 1 embarked on a new hunger strike with unwavering determination that left no room for retreat. This time, I took only steps forward and not a single step back in order to achieve my goals. Understanding the complexity and challenges of a hunger strike, T knew that meticulous planning and strategy were of paramount importance. In this context, I de- cided to escalate with a hunger strike, fully aware of the increased difficulty that would follow.  The decision to include the thirst strike was not an easy one, be- cause itis an extremely exhausting form of struggle. The thirst trike, after four days, tumed into a hard fight against myself as I felt my saliva drying up. leading me to a constant state of suffocation. My perseverance was intertwined with the conviction that ending the hunger strike immediately, either with some immediate material gain or destruction, was the only option. The goal was to end it before the upcoming second elections in Greece, strategically forcing the
ruling political party to consider the political cost of its actions.  Twant to emphasise at this point that T am opposed to a perspective that gives priority to the “value of human life” over a struggle that may involve risking it. A radical critical perspective considers the value of all the lives lost to hunger caused by the desertification of industrialisation, or the lives lost in inter-state wars, at maritime borders, in industrial accidents or at the hands of the police. There- fore, under certain circumstances, I consider it a necessity to put our lives and health at risk in our efforts to confront this oppressive system, both inside and outside the prison walls; therefore, adher- ence to this strategy of managing the hunger and thirst strike is the central factor in the success that led to my gaining my freedom. Based on this approach, and with the invaluable support of all those in solidarity, inside and outside the walls, we were able to force the political and judicial authorities to consider the political cost of a possible hunger strike death, and ultimately, to find a solution that would lead to my release.  7: The conquest of my freedom belongs to those who are not with us today  With the announcement of the conclusion of the hunger and thirst strike, I felt it appropriate and necessary to express my deep grati- tude to the countless individuals who have steadfastly supported ‘me throughout this arduous journey, whether within the walls of the prison or outside ts confines.  The achievement of my liberation cannot be attributed solely to my own efforts; on the contrary, it is proof of a collective effort that ‘goes far beyond my individual actions. This success owes its exist- ence to the fiery hearts that have personally suffered the burden of State repression, to the vast network of solidarity that has been me- ticulously woven over time, and to the fellow prisoners and in-  13
mates who, in solidarity, have chosen to join this protest, whether through hunger o thirst strikes. However,itis of paramount impor- tance to recognize that the most meaningful contribution to any hun- ger strike has been made by those and those who have suffered, endured or lost their lives in the relentless pursuit of justice and freedom through this form of resistance. To these courageous souls, Twill owe every moment of freedom I enjoy.  But as I stand here now, free and outside the walls, T feel that my struggle remains incomplete as long as our comrade, Kostas Dimalexis, is behind bars. His imprisonment, which was linked to an act of solidarity during my previous hunger strike, continues de- spite the total absence of evidence to support the police’s clais. Kostas steadfastly denies any involvement in the action, but proudly declares his anarchist political identity. The outcome of his upcoming trial is particularly crucial, as a possible conviction would consti- tute a direct attack on the solidarity relations that underpin the anar- chist movement  The struggle against judicial arbitrariness against anarchists and re- sistance in general also remains incomplete, as long as militants such as Nikos Maziotis and Dimitris Koufontinas remain in prison after completing their sentences under the same ridiculous legal pre- texts. Itis also crucial to resist the indefinite imprisonment of mili- tants,  And the struggle against power s of course incomplete as long as there are cells and cages to torture human and non-human souls for the purpose of maintaining the legal order of this system or capital- st production.  8: The struggle continues  I narrated a journey through my experiences, struggles and reflec- tions, talking about the events and ideas that shaped my path. It was atime of resistance, resilience and the relentless pursuit of freedom. As T reflect on these experiences within the larger context of the  14
ongoing struggle for freedom, several key principles and ideas emerge. First, the undeniable power of collective action and soli- darity. The battles we fought and the positive outcomes we saw were due to the collective efforts of those who stood by my side, both inside and outside the prison walls. Our strength lies in our solidar- ity, our ability to act together and our strong will for the common cause of freedom. This struggle cannot be a solitary effort; it be- Tongs to those who choose to participate.  Our ability to challenge dominant ideologies and to envision a dif- ferent world is proof of the power of creative resistance. Diversity is a comerstone of our movement. The global anarchist movement draws strength from its decentralized nature, where the centralized lefthas often capitulated. Thus, we must continue to embrace diver- sity of thought,tactics and approaches. While it is necessary to en- gage in deep discussions and debates about our ideas, we must also cultivate a culture of tolerance for criticism. Constructive criticism can sharpen our perspectives and lead to the evolution of our move- ment.  Interms of ideas, we must remain open to a wide range of perspec- tives. Anarchy is not a monolithic ideology but a dynamic frame- work that encourages exploration and experimentation. While it is vital to challenge dominant narratives and question established norms, dogmatic adherence to particular ideas can lead to stagna- tion. The exchange of ideas and a willingness to adapt and grow intellectually is crucial to the vitality of our movement  Interms of practice, we must remember that our ideas become mean- ingful through tangible achievements. Whether it is direct action, solidarity campaigns or community organisation, our principles must find expression in the real world. Concrete achievements not only reinforce the validity of our ideas but also inspire others to join our struggle.  Finally, in terms of organisation, we need to achieve a balance. Centralised structures can be prone to power dynamics and manipu-  15
Lation, with the risk of stifling individual autonomy and creativity. Decentralised networks and communities allow for flexibility and diversity. but can fail where coordination is needed. To cope with this dilemma, we can explore new tools and implement grid struc tures that maintain decentralization while enabling coordinated ef- forts. This approach encourages participation in multiple communi- ties, spreading ideas and preventing the consolidation of power within any single group, and the imposition of one group-community over another.  As we look ahead, the continuation of the struggle is an obvious necessity. Itis a journey marked by uncertainty, challenges and fail- ures, but it is also fuelled by an unshakable belief that the world is reshaping itself every moment and that our stance matters. The road o liberation is long and winding as we rotate and regress between different perspectives and practices in the direction of our ideals. It is illuminated by the collective spirit of those who dare to dream, resistand persevere. Our work is notover: it is ongoing, ever-evoly- ing and deeply interconnected with the larger mosaic of resistance against oppression and injustice.  In the face of this savage atack on life itself launched by the State- capitalist system, it is imperative that we organise and resist, reject- ing the hierarchical structures that act as a lever of manipulation, either to perpetuate the existing system or to assimilate the forces of resistance. The road to liberation lies in linking different struggles against the mechanisms of State oppression, forging decentralized networks of eco-communities and communities of resistance. This convergence of efforts must become a new axis of radicalisation, weakening our dependence on the capitalist-industrial complex that is ravaging the earth and endangering our very existence and the existence of so many other organisms.  SOLIDARITY WITH THE OCCUPATIONS FREEDOM TO THE PRISONERS UNTIL THE DESTRUCTION OF THE LAST CAGE
PS. After the strike I suffered an experience that is good to share for the self-protection of those who struggle through the means of the hun- ger strike. While the doctors at the Voulas area Asklipio Hospital (Athens) were supportive of me throughout my stay there, their ig- norance of the consequences of introducing vitamin serum during refeeding led to a dangerous situation. Obviously they could not have dealt with a similar case of someone being resuscitated from such prolonged starvation and dehydration before and the protocols they applied are interationally deficient  My body, during the strike, had adapted to the lack of nutrients and vitamins, resulting in over-absorption of the vitamins introduced in the resupply. causing hypervitaminosis. This led to refeeding syn- drome, resulting in me suffering and convulsing for § hours until the doctors realized the mistake.  Unfortunately, although not all refeeders’ bodies react this way, this rare condition has led to several hunger strikers in the past losing their lives or being left disabled during refeeding or force-feeding. It is necessary, through information, to ensure that such mistakes are not repeated in the future and that hunger strikers receive appro- priate medical treatment during and after their struggle.  This experience can be a lesson for the future and I hope that it will contribute to the self-protection of hunger strikers, as well as to improving the approach and care of medical staff.  GIANNIS MICHAILIDIS OCTOMBER 2023  17




Text of Anarchist comrade Giannis
Michailidis on the struggle for his
release

Greece
2023
Position of Giannis Michailidis on the struggle for his
release

Introduction

As T enjoy my freedom again, won through my second hunger and
thirst strike, T reflect on the complex historical mosaic that not only
shaped my personal choices but also wove the collective struggle
against the state-capitalism complex. Far from being solitary acts of
assertion, the hunger strikes were instead part of the social antago-
nism within the complex dynamics taking shape in Greece and the
global landscape as the assault of the dominant powers deepens.

‘The backdrop in which these hunger strikes unfolded is character-
ised by profound global challenges, where the grip of capitalism
has led to an alarming concentration of wealth and therefore power
in the hands of a select few. Meanwhile, the vast majority of hu-
‘manity lives in extreme poverty, crushed by the burden of industrial
production and the relentless pursuit of profit by corporations. At
the same time, the indiscriminate exploitation of natural resources
has brought the planet dangerously close to the brink of irreversible
climate change and has caused an unprecedented mass extinction of
species.

In this web of power, States, whether Westen or Eastern, impose
their power by claiming a monopoly of violence. They blatantly
wipe out entire populations with state-of-the-art weapons of mass
destruction or use more suble tactics, such as weaponizing hunger
by systematically dismantling vital infrastructure in conflict-ridden
areas. The world is on the brink of collapse because of nuclear arse-
nals ready to wipe it out in an instant. Stripping away the harsh
reality, the real agents of terror are revealed — the States. In these
circumstances, as I reflect on the battle for my personal freedom, I
recognise its connection with the wider struggle from which my
prolonged imprisonment had temporarily distanced me.
This is not intended to elicit sympathy or victimisation; rather, itis
a statement of my identity as an active social and political subject: I
see my imprisonment as only one aspect of the merciless attack
launched by the State and capital against those who consciously
challenge their authority. Therefore, I have issued an invitation to
re-establish the link between the struggle for the liberation of im-
prisoned anarchists and the basic ideals that sparked their resistance
and led to their imprisonment. I called for a relationship grounded
in revolutionary solidarity, based on common goals and a collective
struggle that encompasses diverse dimensions. This connection unites
individuals facing different circumstances but converging on a com-
mon cause, cultivating a collective strength that transcends personal
struggles.

1: In the dungeons of injustice

Within the temples of institutionalized injustice that characterizes
the prison system, a long journey began that would eventually cul-
‘minate in two difficult hunger strikes. These strikes were motivated
not only by a personal search for justice, but also by the need to
expose the pervasive corruption and arbitrariness inherent in the
foundations of the judicial system. My ordeal began in 2011, when
Ifaced an arrest warrant in connection with the Conspiracy cells of
Fire case. That prosecution later collapsed, resulting in my acquittal
due to the lack of a clear link between me and the charges. Two
years of flight followed, marked by choices that ultimately led me
to the prison gate. A ten-year prison term loomed over me, influenc-
ing my decisions. During this period, the vindictiveness of the State
was always felt. My comrades and I endured brutal police violence
when we were arrested in the bank robbery in Velvento, Kozanis,
and an incident that remained invisible in the eyes of Greek justice.
‘The Ministry of Public Order then chose an unusually provocative
stance, publishing photographs of our battered faces.

This was soon followed by successive arrests, two of which were
linked to the activities of the Conspiracy of Cells of Fire. The case
fills lsted my name as a participant in acts with which I had noth-
ing to do, without any evidence or testimony linking me to the

charges.

‘The culmination of this judicial arbitrariness was my sentencing to
an additional 11 years in prison for possession of cartridges, despite
the fact that they were discovered in the house of a comrade, who
told the court that they belonged to him. In a surreal mock trial, we
were convicted of possessing the cartridges collectively in order to
individually carry out “individual terrorism” based on alleged in-
tentions. Itis noteworthy that this case, full of absurdity. is the only
application of the law on individual terrorism in Greek judicial his-
tory. The fact that the Supreme Court upheld this unprecedented
farce is evidence of the extent to which the so-called “independent™
judiciary is entangled in party politics and government directives,
consistently exploiting the management of the advancement of judges
to manipulate and control the outcome of trials. As I was about to
finish my sentence, in 2019, a prosecution for alleged rioting in
Korydallos was pulled out of the drawer against several comrades
including me. Asa result, my permits were cut off, and consequently
Twas deprived of the possibility of being in a rural prison. As it was
obvious that my prison sentence was now much longer than ex-
pected. I chose to escape, a choice that the State would later, after
my arest in January 2020, retaliate harshly for.

As of 29 December 2021, T had completed 3/5 of my merged sen-
tence of 20 years, plus 2/5 of the sentence for escape, for a total of §
years and 3 months of actual sentence. The prison secretariat in-
vited me to sign a demand for conditional release, as required by
law. However, this seemingly simple procedure introduced me to
another chapter of state vindictiveness, characterized by the denial
of parole. This time, I was deemed potentially dangerous, a ridicu-
lous pretext for continued incarceration based on the arbitrary be-
e that sufficient time had not elapsed for my “rehabi

supposed correction. This ridiculous argument, an argument that
runs counter to logic itself as the longer one stays inside, the more
difficultit becomes to reintegrate, is used repeatedly, mutilating the
lives of countless prisoners.

At the same time that those who have the financial means or the
right connections benefit from early release and parole, those who
decide with dignity to rebel or escape are characterized as insubor-
dinate and are deprived of their right to freedom after completing
their sentence, under funny pretexts. This is just one example of
how officials of the system handle the law, as those who use these
legal windows against us often reach high positions, building their
careers on the backs of vulnerable prisoners who are sentenced to
long sentences. This inequality is defiantly highlighted in ‘their own
children’, who benefit from the leniency of the system, securing
their release or even avoiding incarceration altogether.

A provocative example is the case of Korkoneas, the policeman re-
sponsible for the murder of the comrade Alexandros Grigoropoulos.
‘The judicial system was quick to secure his early release. Such spe-
cial treatment was also accorded to the police officers who deliber-
ately killed Nikos Sambanis in Perama and to the prison guards
who tortured to death Ilir Kareli, who were acquitted.

2: The hunger strike as an experience and as a weapon

‘The decision to go on hunger strike was a deeply personal and emo-
tionally charged choice. It was not a decision taken lightly, but one
that arose from a deep yearning for my lost freedom and an unwa-
vering will to highlight systemic injustice in a way that would have
the deepest possible social impact.

Atits core, the hunger strike goes beyond mere protest; it becomes
an indelible experience. Itis a means of transforming the ordeal into
an experience, bringing you closer to those who endure hunger on a
daily basis. As T voluntarily embraced hunger, a connection was
created within me between my deprivation and the suffering

5
of countless individuals worldwide who struggle o find food.

This feeling is not only about human hunger; it extends to the hun-
‘gerof animals forcibly expelled from the land, their homes and their
‘means of subsistence, which are being taken over and exhausted by
the expansive mechanism of industrialisation. The act of hunger
strike can be experienced as a state of connection with these de-
prived souls, human and animal, suffering under the weight of eco-
logical destruction and capitalist greed.

Beyond the physical ordeal of hunger, the hunger strike has a pro-
found symbolic weight. It serves as a channel for expressing the
deep-rooted frustration and anger that have built up over years of
imprisonment, arbitrary actions and prevailing injustice. Itis a raw,
raw cry against a system that has declared war on the principles of
justice and freedom.

In my view, the hunger strike is not only a struggle for personal
freedoms; it is a passionate call to action. It is a stark reminder that
the struggle for justice, equality and the dismantling of the gilded
cage of industrial civilization requires an emotional and intensely
personal effort for all of us. It is a call to unite, to forge an instinc-
tive connection to the shared passion and aspirations that bind us in
this ongoing struggle.

The experience of the hunger strike represented an act of personal
rebellion, rooted in the conviction that my prison situation was not
exclusively mine, but part of a wider attack by the State and capital
against all those who dare to resist. It has been an emotional jour-
ney, and I hope it serves as a rallying point for the larger struggle,
uniting us in the relentless pursuit of freedom.
3: The chronicle of the first hunger strike

One of the most remarkable aspects of the hunger strike was the
‘roundswell of support it generated. During the first hunger
strike, the response from comrades and beyond. both in Greece
and around the world, was unexpected. It was a proof of the
enormous power of solidarity and our common desire to challenge
the system. As T embarked on this grueling march, I felt a deep
connection being forged with those who stood beside me in this
act of resistance, and that the message I was sending out would
have long-term effects that would likely not be seen in the present
ot in the immediate future.

Within the walls, to see so many comrades enduring the same
hunger in the pursuit of justice and freedom was deeply encourag-
ing. This collective action served as a powerful reminder of the
unbreakable bonds that unite us in our struggle against the power
of the State and capital

However, the reaction of the State has been far from what one
would expect in the face of such widespread solidarity. Instead of
responding to our demands to reduce the political and social costs,
the State chose to reject my requests for parole, seeking to keep
me imprisoned. At the same time, the judicial circus began releas-
ing people convicted of heinous crimes, including rapists and the
only one of Zac Kostopoulos’ killers, while I continued my
hunger strike for my freedom.

In the midst of these worrying developments, the hunger strike took
on a new dimension. It was no longer just a personal struggle for
freedom; it had become a symbolic resistance against a system that
prioritized the release of murderers over the release of those who
dared 10 oppose its power. It became a powerful reminder of the
injustices perpetuated by the State and an urgent call for change.

Street justice, delivered by those who refused to forget and demanded
justice for victims of police violence, became a powerful force for
accountability. It served as a reminder that the struggle for justice
extends beyond the confines of the courtroom and spills into the
streets, where the memory of those lost to State violence remains
alive.

Inthose moments, the hunger strike symbolized not only a personal
search for freedom but also a collective demand for justice. It reso-
nated as a call to action, and showed that in this world, true justice
can only be achieved through our collective struggle. It had already
become a resounding collective political act that resonates with our
history and our ongoing struggle. It was a testament to the indomi-
table spirit of those who refused to forget, who persevered in their
quest for justice and who carried the weight of our shared history on
their shoulders.

4: The decision to suspend the hunger strike

In this text T have to submit my self-criticism for the critical mo-
‘ment when T took the painful decision to suspend the hunger strke.
This choice had profound consequences, not only for me persor
ally, but also for the broader movement because of the message of
defeat it conveyed. It is imperative that I delve deeper into the cir-
cumstances and motivations that led to this wrong decision.

The suspension of the hunger strike was triggered by a series of
unealistic promises made by State officials. Their commitment was
contingent on the condition that the agreement would remain confi-
dential, and 1. perhaps naively, assumed that they would on their
part honour the agreement to avoid public exposure. This misjudg-
‘ment was influenced. in part, by my isolation under the special de-
tention regime, which severed my relationships with close comrades
~ those who possessed both the knowledge of the facts and the po-

litical acumen to recognize the trap that had been set

At that particular juncture, T was faced with an important dilemma.
1 had reluctantly accepted an offer from the State authorities, be-
lieving itto be the wisest option at the time. However, looking back,
T cannot fully explain the rationale behind my decision and what
compelled me to follow this path.

Several factors played a role in this decision. Firstly, the harsh and
exhausting conditions in the context of the hunger strike had had a
huge impact on me. The physical and emotional strain was over-
whelming and I was beginning to doubt both the soundness of my
own judgement and the ability of the movement to continue to sup-
port this struggle, especially during the summer holiday period.
Second, T had been given false hope by government officials and
the Supreme Court judge who served as a critical liaison between
the judiciary and the government, and this undoubtedly influenced
my choice. The empty promise of a favorable outcome exerted con-
siderable influence in these circumstances.

However, it s vital to recognise that my decision extended beyond
the personal consequences that I had to bear. The hunger strike was
a collective effort and any outcome, whether positive or negative,
was something 1 had to share with the wider solidarity movement
that had been created. Furthermore, I felt a deep responsibility to
record this outcome in the collective memory for future struggles

Some critics — and rightly so at the time — argued that the hunger
strike should never have been started in the first place, but my belief
is that it was a necessary step. It was vital to defend the gains of the
prisoners’ struggles and to resist the judges’ demands for statements
of repentance. Admittedly, there were tragic errors in timing and
lack of proper legal planning on my part, which contributed to the
adverse circumstances that ultimately led to the suspension of my
strike.
Despite the unfavourable outcome, this hunger strike managed to
unite and mobilise our wider movement. It stood as a testament to
our resilience, even in the face of difficult social conditions. The
hunger strike also revealed the glaring contradictions within the ‘jus-
tice” system. Moreover, the anarchist community showed remark-
able solidarity through the support actions.

5: The interlude between two hunger strikes

‘The period between the suspension of the first hunger strike and the
events that occurred that led to my decision to start a second hunger
strike was extremely difficult. Very soon, it became painfully obvi-
ous that the promises made by state officials were nothing more
than empty words.

Meanwhile, in the interval between the two hunger strikes, other
painful incidents unfolded that further underlined the pervasive
justice of the judicial system. Comrade Costas Dimalexis was ar-
rested and imprisoned accused of participating in an action in soli-
darity with my hunger strike. This arrest was made without cor
crete evidence to substantiate the claims of the prosecution mecha-
nisms, revealing the arbitrary nature of the law enforcement actions.
‘This arrest, which was accompanied by a police encirclement and
invasion of the occupied refugee camps, rallied several solidarity
comrades who fought a battle of dignity against repression.

In addition, another 15-year-old Roma boy. Kostas Fragoulis, was
murdered in cold blood by the police, but it had become self-evi-
dent that no one would be held accountable or face imprisonment
for this loss of life. It was another stark reminder of the impunity
that cops enjoy. Despite this disturbing event, the reflexes on the
part of our movement to this killing remained disappointingly muted,
showing the difficult battle that had to be fought to address sys-
temic injustices. This was followed by the tragic accident at Tempe,

where again the self-styled justice system, led by the same people
who had mediated my deception, failed to bring any prosecution
against the company executives and the politicians responsible for
the loss of dozens of lives. This incident, however, succeeded in
getting people back on the streets.

At the same time, I remained in the same situation for another year,
waiting stoically for the predetermined decisions of the judicial coun-
cils that were inexplicably delayed. By December, I should have
resumed my hunger strike, but the blow to my credibility, combined
with the realization that T had fallen into the State trap, led me to the
decision to wait for some legal developments that might make my
path more manageable, such as the statute of limitations on the rigged
case of the Korydallos riot

During this period, every effort was made to deprive me of any
legal right to permits, educational or tactical that could pave the
way for my eventual release. The courts implicitly asked for state-
‘ments of legitimacy. challenging me to answer whether my ideol-
ogy allowed me to never break the law again. Essentially, they de-
‘manded a renunciation of my principles, my ideas and my personal
relationships as a condition of my eventual release.

The State narrative then shifts to my transfer to Korydallos prison
for educational purposes, a move that had been pending for over
three years. Coincidentally, as I was informing my close comrades
of my intention to start a new hunger strike while in Malandrinos
prison, my transfer was suddenly announced, leading to a postpone-
ment of my hunger strike plans. With the subsequent rejection of
my educational leave due to my alleged short stay in Korydallos
prison, T found myself with no choice but to restart my hunger strike.
Eventually a new series of promises followed which temporarily
prevented me from announcing the hunger strike.

As negotiations with the State began, it quickly became clear that

1
their intentions were not so much to address the legitimate demands
of my hunger strike as to deceive me. They lured me with conces-
sions, such as the promise of a permit, only to later postpone its
implementation, revealing their lack of sincerity.

However, in light of the treatment I continued to receive and the
unfulfilled promises repeatedly made, the hunger strike was an-
nounced. I felt an explosive urge to become politically active and
expose the government's collusion with a self-styled justice sys-
tem, even though I knew my speech could be challenged. A hunger
strike, however, would not only highlight the issue at stake, but also
definitively distinguish truth from falsehood.

6: The new hunger strike and the thirst strike

Armed with the hard-won knowledge from my previous experiences
and determined not to repeat the same mistakes, 1 embarked on a
new hunger strike with unwavering determination that left no room
for retreat. This time, I took only steps forward and not a single step
back in order to achieve my goals. Understanding the complexity
and challenges of a hunger strike, T knew that meticulous planning
and strategy were of paramount importance. In this context, I de-
cided to escalate with a hunger strike, fully aware of the increased
difficulty that would follow.

The decision to include the thirst strike was not an easy one, be-
cause itis an extremely exhausting form of struggle. The thirst trike,
after four days, tumed into a hard fight against myself as I felt my
saliva drying up. leading me to a constant state of suffocation. My
perseverance was intertwined with the conviction that ending the
hunger strike immediately, either with some immediate material gain
or destruction, was the only option. The goal was to end it before
the upcoming second elections in Greece, strategically forcing the

ruling political party to consider the political cost of its actions.

Twant to emphasise at this point that T am opposed to a perspective
that gives priority to the “value of human life” over a struggle that
may involve risking it. A radical critical perspective considers the
value of all the lives lost to hunger caused by the desertification of
industrialisation, or the lives lost in inter-state wars, at maritime
borders, in industrial accidents or at the hands of the police. There-
fore, under certain circumstances, I consider it a necessity to put our
lives and health at risk in our efforts to confront this oppressive
system, both inside and outside the prison walls; therefore, adher-
ence to this strategy of managing the hunger and thirst strike is the
central factor in the success that led to my gaining my freedom.
Based on this approach, and with the invaluable support of all those
in solidarity, inside and outside the walls, we were able to force the
political and judicial authorities to consider the political cost of a
possible hunger strike death, and ultimately, to find a solution that
would lead to my release.

7: The conquest of my freedom belongs to those who are
not with us today

With the announcement of the conclusion of the hunger and thirst
strike, I felt it appropriate and necessary to express my deep grati-
tude to the countless individuals who have steadfastly supported
‘me throughout this arduous journey, whether within the walls of the
prison or outside ts confines.

The achievement of my liberation cannot be attributed solely to my
own efforts; on the contrary, it is proof of a collective effort that
‘goes far beyond my individual actions. This success owes its exist-
ence to the fiery hearts that have personally suffered the burden of
State repression, to the vast network of solidarity that has been me-
ticulously woven over time, and to the fellow prisoners and in-

13
mates who, in solidarity, have chosen to join this protest, whether
through hunger o thirst strikes. However,itis of paramount impor-
tance to recognize that the most meaningful contribution to any hun-
ger strike has been made by those and those who have suffered,
endured or lost their lives in the relentless pursuit of justice and
freedom through this form of resistance. To these courageous souls,
Twill owe every moment of freedom I enjoy.

But as I stand here now, free and outside the walls, T feel that my
struggle remains incomplete as long as our comrade, Kostas
Dimalexis, is behind bars. His imprisonment, which was linked to
an act of solidarity during my previous hunger strike, continues de-
spite the total absence of evidence to support the police’s clais.
Kostas steadfastly denies any involvement in the action, but proudly
declares his anarchist political identity. The outcome of his upcoming
trial is particularly crucial, as a possible conviction would consti-
tute a direct attack on the solidarity relations that underpin the anar-
chist movement

The struggle against judicial arbitrariness against anarchists and re-
sistance in general also remains incomplete, as long as militants
such as Nikos Maziotis and Dimitris Koufontinas remain in prison
after completing their sentences under the same ridiculous legal pre-
texts. Itis also crucial to resist the indefinite imprisonment of mili-
tants,

And the struggle against power s of course incomplete as long as
there are cells and cages to torture human and non-human souls for
the purpose of maintaining the legal order of this system or capital-
st production.

8: The struggle continues

I narrated a journey through my experiences, struggles and reflec-
tions, talking about the events and ideas that shaped my path. It was
atime of resistance, resilience and the relentless pursuit of freedom.
As T reflect on these experiences within the larger context of the

14
ongoing struggle for freedom, several key principles and ideas
emerge. First, the undeniable power of collective action and soli-
darity. The battles we fought and the positive outcomes we saw were
due to the collective efforts of those who stood by my side, both
inside and outside the prison walls. Our strength lies in our solidar-
ity, our ability to act together and our strong will for the common
cause of freedom. This struggle cannot be a solitary effort; it be-
Tongs to those who choose to participate.

Our ability to challenge dominant ideologies and to envision a dif-
ferent world is proof of the power of creative resistance. Diversity
is a comerstone of our movement. The global anarchist movement
draws strength from its decentralized nature, where the centralized
lefthas often capitulated. Thus, we must continue to embrace diver-
sity of thought,tactics and approaches. While it is necessary to en-
gage in deep discussions and debates about our ideas, we must also
cultivate a culture of tolerance for criticism. Constructive criticism
can sharpen our perspectives and lead to the evolution of our move-
ment.

Interms of ideas, we must remain open to a wide range of perspec-
tives. Anarchy is not a monolithic ideology but a dynamic frame-
work that encourages exploration and experimentation. While it is
vital to challenge dominant narratives and question established
norms, dogmatic adherence to particular ideas can lead to stagna-
tion. The exchange of ideas and a willingness to adapt and grow
intellectually is crucial to the vitality of our movement

Interms of practice, we must remember that our ideas become mean-
ingful through tangible achievements. Whether it is direct action,
solidarity campaigns or community organisation, our principles must
find expression in the real world. Concrete achievements not only
reinforce the validity of our ideas but also inspire others to join our
struggle.

Finally, in terms of organisation, we need to achieve a balance.
Centralised structures can be prone to power dynamics and manipu-

15
Lation, with the risk of stifling individual autonomy and creativity.
Decentralised networks and communities allow for flexibility and
diversity. but can fail where coordination is needed. To cope with
this dilemma, we can explore new tools and implement grid struc
tures that maintain decentralization while enabling coordinated ef-
forts. This approach encourages participation in multiple communi-
ties, spreading ideas and preventing the consolidation of power within
any single group, and the imposition of one group-community over
another.

As we look ahead, the continuation of the struggle is an obvious
necessity. Itis a journey marked by uncertainty, challenges and fail-
ures, but it is also fuelled by an unshakable belief that the world is
reshaping itself every moment and that our stance matters. The road
o liberation is long and winding as we rotate and regress between
different perspectives and practices in the direction of our ideals. It
is illuminated by the collective spirit of those who dare to dream,
resistand persevere. Our work is notover: it is ongoing, ever-evoly-
ing and deeply interconnected with the larger mosaic of resistance
against oppression and injustice.

In the face of this savage atack on life itself launched by the State-
capitalist system, it is imperative that we organise and resist, reject-
ing the hierarchical structures that act as a lever of manipulation,
either to perpetuate the existing system or to assimilate the forces of
resistance. The road to liberation lies in linking different struggles
against the mechanisms of State oppression, forging decentralized
networks of eco-communities and communities of resistance. This
convergence of efforts must become a new axis of radicalisation,
weakening our dependence on the capitalist-industrial complex that
is ravaging the earth and endangering our very existence and the
existence of so many other organisms.

SOLIDARITY WITH THE OCCUPATIONS
FREEDOM TO THE PRISONERS
UNTIL THE DESTRUCTION OF THE LAST CAGE
PS.
After the strike I suffered an experience that is good to share for the
self-protection of those who struggle through the means of the hun-
ger strike. While the doctors at the Voulas area Asklipio Hospital
(Athens) were supportive of me throughout my stay there, their ig-
norance of the consequences of introducing vitamin serum during
refeeding led to a dangerous situation. Obviously they could not
have dealt with a similar case of someone being resuscitated from
such prolonged starvation and dehydration before and the protocols
they applied are interationally deficient

My body, during the strike, had adapted to the lack of nutrients and
vitamins, resulting in over-absorption of the vitamins introduced in
the resupply. causing hypervitaminosis. This led to refeeding syn-
drome, resulting in me suffering and convulsing for § hours until
the doctors realized the mistake.

Unfortunately, although not all refeeders’ bodies react this way, this
rare condition has led to several hunger strikers in the past losing
their lives or being left disabled during refeeding or force-feeding.
It is necessary, through information, to ensure that such mistakes
are not repeated in the future and that hunger strikers receive appro-
priate medical treatment during and after their struggle.

This experience can be a lesson for the future and I hope that it will
contribute to the self-protection of hunger strikers, as well as to
improving the approach and care of medical staff.

GIANNIS MICHAILIDIS
OCTOMBER 2023

17