by Political Prisoner , RAYMOND LUC LEVASSEUR ] Marion Prison Many thanks to: Generik Eileen Fandlay, computer wiz, Unkie Punky Graffix, all you stubborn friends of political prisoners everywhere; and Mom, who bought me this swell mimeo. --velvet, for F.0.P.P. First printing: September- October 1993, All typos & misspellings sole responsibility of Friends of Political Prisomers, Bx 3113 wadison, Wi, 53704, Empire. >/ == “"All men dream: but not equally. Those who dream by night in the dusty recesses of their minds wake in the day to find that it was vanity: but the dreamers of the day are dangerous men, for they may act their dreams with open eyes, to make it possible." ---T. E. Lawrence SEVEN PILLARS OF WISDOM 3 I also think it’s a good idea not to | have any fixed notions in one’s head. I /4 don’t want any one to tell me where 1 / N ( should put my attention first. If down \ the line we can try to respect each other according to the principle of self-deter- f» mination then we can begin to move forward. There are enough of us to go around and ¢ you don’t have to do what I do and vice ' versa. I do this and you do that, there L is plenty of room. _yuqe Jordan y Blood Is Quebecois Salut mes socuro et freres: MY NAME IS RAYMOND LUC LEVASSEUR. Luc is my peperes name, which T carry with Franco pride. I come from a long line of mill workers, and grew up in the overbearing shadow of textile mills and shoe factories of Southwestern Maine. My father was born in the Quebec nation. We called ourselves French Canadian, or simply French, and that's what others called us. Our detractors held a different perspective and referred or "maudive (godamn) canucks.” Those were fighting 10 us as "frogs words then, and they are now 11°S ALWAYS FELT natural for me to refer 1o myself as French Canadian. To think of myself this way. What it means to me is that my blood is Quebecois. We didn't use the term Franco- American when |was coming up. Between the time [ left Maine in 1964 and my return in later vears, "Franco-American” became widely used. I've always associated Franco-American with France or canned spaghetti. | don'tsay this disparagingly. but simply as a comment of how I was taught (o sce things. [ realize that the hyphenated American signifies assimilation into the American landscape, if not the American dream. While 1 do not deny the reality of assimilaiion, neither will 1 deny the moral bankruptey and nightmare that America is for many of us. Personally and politically | draw the line at complete assimilation into the worst aspects of 100 percent Americanism. Apparently the government concurs, as it holds me in an isolation cell in the infamous control unit prison at Marion, illinois. MY GRANDPARINTS WINT to work in the iextile mills at 13 and 14 years. My mother and father went into those mills at 16. My turn came at 17, when | misrepresenied my age 10 a mill boss in order o work on a machine making shoe heels. From the earliest years I'd watched my family and predeminantiy French Canadian neighbors erter and leave the mills. Now | followed them into an exceedingly unpleasant experience, Perhaps you've had such an experience and don't have o rely on the imagination 1o conjure up the sweat of oppression. At the time my immediate co-workers were mostly French-Canadion. While 1 had gone farther in school then the others, none on the shop floor had a good education. ... My grandparents went to work in the textile mills at 13 and 14 years... We worked in the shell of the old Goodall mills - 4 miscrable runaway shop y that fled South. destroving unions in its wake. We had no union protection and it showed. The pay was low, the work demanding, and the conditions . hazardous. Specd up was used 1o maximize exploitation. To resist the debilitating cffects of this speed up my French Canadian brethren introduced me 1o the proverbial shoe- le sabot - with which we jammed the machines. Tt was my first act of sabotage, but a long way from my last. Our immediate objective was 1o draw the line at how many shoe he we'd have o produce per hour, beyond which the task became ine reasingly exhaustive and dangerous. We had our dignity. and in this small way, sought 1o dispel the power that the mills held over us- mills that we commonly belieyed were owned by wealthy Anglos from out of state. A FUTUREEIN the mills became all the more (rightening when a Franco school friend. working in a mill across from mine, got his arm caught in a machine that choked him 1o death. He'd quit school 1o earn a living and was rewarded with an carly death. A MACHINE CAN Kill in the blink of an cye, but mill work can take decades 1o ravage @ body and soul. My pepere worked in textile mills aslong as | could remember. e was @ man who ok pride in carrying a tunch pail and bringing home a pay check. “This was a man who used 10 bounce me on his knee, and for whom [had the greatest respect. When the mill where he worked closed and moved south. he was discarded like an old pair of shoes. A worker to the depth of his soul, he was without a joh. 1twasn't long betore his health began o noticeably deteriorate. He had difficulty with his balance, his hands became unsteady and his breathing ibored, One day he fell in the chicken coop and T went to help him. e no longer had the strength and steadiness 1o get himself up. 1 picked him up from where he'd fallen in dirt and excrement. In my arms he feltas light as a child. My memere and 1 cleaned him up and rolled him a Bull Durham. " Things will get better” we said, as 1 disguised my hatred for those mills that demanded so much from our lives. but how was [ (o strike back at the mills and factories that exploited us... THERE WAS NO improvement. My pepere was a World War 1 veteran, so we ook him 1o Togus. After the VA warchoused him in a corner, he begged 1o come home, so we brought him back 10 die. Within a year my memere was living with my mother because she could no longer afford 1o live alonc BEING OF FRENCI C ANADIAN blood and working class has W of the American political/economic system and impacted on my v society. Twas told o sirike back at those who made ethnic slurs about us, and 1 did. Still, 1 heard the insulting remarks about us as being stupid, Tazy and papist dominated. But how was |10 strike back at the mills and factories that exploited us - hesides breaking the windows of their abandoned buildings as we did as Kids? TO ME, THI French and class identity were inseparable. AUIT vears of age T Felt those who didn't fall into this category were the Tucky ones- the exceptions. | wasn't one of the exceptions. 1 had to work to cat and the only work was in a dead end job in a non- union mill. Atage 17, with limited options, | Ieft Maine and followed Route 95 1o Boston where 1 found work on the waterfront loading docks. ... I later joined Vietnam Veterans Against the War... AT VARIOUS TIMES F've tried to change or conceal my French identity. When I was younger I Anglicized my middic and last names. sidestepped the French language as if it were a trap. 1left the Catholic church. Tsought Protestant girlfriends. T toyed with the illusion of someday crossing over to that fabulously free, white and 21 middle-clas devoid of ethnic identity and lowly wages. The assimilationist’s dream. I'VE WORKED AS a wage laborer throughout my life - factories, farm work, logger, construction, tannery worker and other stints of endurance. The remnants of the French language | retain from my youth includes "travail” as one of the most often used words. Work was central 1o the material and spiritual well being of my extended family, and no- where have I seen as strong a work cthic as amongst French Canadians. An old worker once told me that it takes as much courage to carry a lunch pail 10 a sweat shop every day 1o feed your Kids, as it does to shoulder a weapon. There's a strong current of truth in this little parable. 1 know - I've done both. When ! wasn't working for some big bossman, I was working for the people. By this, [ mean 1 did community work with various political organizations, and 1 spent 10 years underground banging away at the worst manifestations of U.S. imperialism. ... and I spent 10 years underground banging away at the worst manifestations of U.S. imperialism... THE ROOTS OF my political vision and militancy extend deep into life as a French Canadian worker. However, it was a tour of duty in Victnam which led me from the provincial to the radical. In Vietnam, 1967, 1 saw inten: ism directed towards the Vietnamese people, which recalled my own experience with anti- Franco bigots and the white supremacy I'd encountered in Boston and throughout the military. As 1 saw the culture and poverty of the Vietnamese ridiculed, 1 recalled the 4 intolerant WASP's of my youth. I saw the exploitation of their labor and the desecration of their lives. And charged with carrying out a frightening level of violence, were the poor and working class soldiers - disproportionately Black, Latino, and some of French Canadian backgrounds. TLATER JOINED Vietnam Veterans Against the War. When 1 returned stateside I took my new consciousness and became politically active in Tennessee. | quickly became involved in opposition to the war, civil rights and a strike by black and white packinghouse workers. My political activism was a prelude to prison, which is where I found myself a year after honorable discharge from the army. MY CONSCIOUSNESS NOR commitment remained at a standstill. In 1970 I met Sacco and Vanzetti. They appeared to me through the pages of a book I was reading on the labor movement in the sweltering heat of a southern prison cell. 1 vividly remember reading Vanzetti's last statement 10 the court before he was sentenced to execution for the crime of being an immigrant radical: "If it had not been for these thing 1 might have lived out my life talking at corners to scorning men. I'might have die, unmarked; unknown, a failure. Now we are not a failure. This is our career and our triumph. Never in our full life could we hope 10 do such work for tolerance, for justice, for man’s understanding of man as now we do by accident. Our words, our lives, our pains — nothing! The taking of our lives - lives of a good shoemaker and poor fish peddler - all! That last moment belongs (0 us- that agony is our triumph.” ... Human rights found a warm reception in my cell... HERE WAS THE faltering English I'd heard spoken in and around the mills now presented in an impassioned and principled defense 5 of immigrant workers. The lives of a "good shoemaker and poor fish peddler”: Isaw increased clarity the laboring class of which 1am a part. 1 had worked in a mill making shoe heels. 1 had been a farm worker and worked on the Boston Fish Pier. I'd felt the ethnic prejudice against our people - the French Canadians. Then there was my imprisonment, so soon after Vietnam, and related to my political activism. 1 found a kindred spirit in those who sacrificed before us and with us. IT WAS IN_ prison that I studied the great political theorists and revolutions. Human rights found a warm reception in my cell as did ideologies based on revolationary nationalism and socialism. The life and thought of Malcolm X was shared with me by his descendents who occupied the same cell block. T was encouraged by the activities of the Black Panther Party and ecstatic with the resurgence of the Front de Liberation du Quebec. When I defied the prison's Jim Crow segregation, [ did so with the conviction that as the only French Canadian prisoner there, 1 would not side with white supremacy against our black brothers. WHEN I RETURNED to Maine in 1971, it was to various jobs making concrete blocks, hammering 2x4's, bolting steel, and sweeping floors. Talso attended the University of Maine, was drug crisis coordinator at Augusta’s Rap & Rescue, and worked with organizations such as Vietnam Veterans Against the War and Scar. Again | was among the dispossessed and least respected. . never should we resort to racism to persevere... WHEN [ REFER to being underground, 1 refer to a period of activity from late 1974 1o late 1984 when I took my political work away from the eyes and ecars of the government. During those years I joined efforts with others in attempting to build a revolutionary resistance movement. We sought to bring to the attention of the American people the horrendous crimes being committed by their own government and transnational corporations. We targeted the worst criminals because they are the ones who hurt the most people. After my capture | was convicted of bombing U.S. military facilities, offices of the South African government, o and corporations doing business with apartheid. Now [ am one of over one hundred political prisoners heid in the U.S. gulag. T WHOLEHEARTEDLY SUPPORT the effort of those who nourish and preserve the French Canadian culture and heritage, including our language. There are obstacles to be sure. In my current situation, the authorities have prohibited me from receiving French language publications such as Le FAROG Forum and Rebelles. NEVER SHOULD WE resort to racism to persevere. Itis with anger and sadness I note Quebec's use of the Surete du Quebec 10 attack the indigenous Mohawk people who are defending their land against encroachment by non-native land developers. ... assimilation must not translate to complicity and collaboration... A SERIOUS CHALLENGE: faced by Franco-Americans is the level of assimilation we pursue. Too many are seduced by America’s materialism along with its racist and class arrogance. It is rotten fruit. It's clear from the recent uprisings in Los Angeles and other cities that all is not well in Babylon. America has constituted itself into a criminal enterprise. The magnitude of the crimes is staggering. The U.S. was built on the theft of Indian lands and decimation of Indian people. Mexican land was stolen. African sweat and blood constructed a substantial portion of this country. America's invasion of Vietnam was an attempt to suppress that nations right to independence. And what horrible atrocities the U.S. has committed against the peoples of Fl Salvador, Nicaragua, Chile, Southern Africa, the Philippines and so many others. It's a bloody legacy that cannot be denied by an arrogant 500 years commemoration of Columbus and colonization. Franco-American's should actively involve themselves in the opposition movement to this celebration. Assimilation carries with it a responsibility of bringing America to task for its worst abuses. Assimilation must not translate to complicity and collaboration. 1 WAS ASKED to provide testimony as to what being Franco- American means to me, and why from this perspective | became a 7 militant. It began with simple French songs sung by my mother and memere, and burnished by the anti-French slurs of bigots. I'm proud of my blood and pained with an anger that has not subsided. My accumulated life experiences have left me hungry for something better. [ yearn for my freedom and a future where every child can live to their full potential without the scourges of poverty, racism and war. 1 have chosen to fight for that future. Marion Prison, May, 1992 Raymond Luc Levasseur 8 10376/016 Box 1000, Marion, I1l. gr0%0 PARDON MY ANALYSIS ON DECEMBER 24th, 1992, George Bush bestowed presidential pardcns on six former henchmen: Caspar Weinburger, ex-War Secretary; Duane Claridge, former head of covert CIA wars in Latin America; Alan Fiers, closely linked to Central American death squads; Eliot Abrams, whose Goebbels-like spin on U, Latin American policy provided cover for the above, and former National Security Advisor (and Iranscam figure) Robert McFarlane. ALL OF THESE MEN faced criminal charges in the Iran-Contra scandal. The charges consisted largely of perjury and witholding information from Congress about illegal arms sales to Iran and a multi-million dollar arms pipeline to the Contras. GEORGE BUSH SAYS THAT these men he pardoned are good and honorable men. True patriots. The reality and moral dilemma is that these men are killers. They were links in a chain of command that turned parts of Central America into graveyards. Somehow they find honor in claiming innocence and being unwilling to see their victims as anything other than ideological pawns, without flesh, without blood. WE ARE TOLD BY the pundits that few ‘Americans can understand the complexities of the Iran-Contra scandal. Yet, the media’s focus on the scandal has omitted the most serious crimes committed by the Reagan-Bush criminal enterprise: War crimes, and crimes against humanity. The “complexities of the Iran-Contra scandal® are 110 more complex than firing an M-16. And fire it they did . . . Americans are capable of understanding that a person who supplies a weapon to a murderer s an accessory'to murder. Supply a multi-million dollar diversion of weapons, ammunition, training, and other lethal aid to CIA-backed Contras and you bear direct responsibility for what follows. IT'S NOT COMPLICATED. The U.S. weapons pipeline enabled the Contras—offspring of the Somoza dictatorship-to rape, torture, mutilate, and murder their way into Nicaragua from sanctuaries in Honduras. The CIA/Contras mined Nicaraguan harbors, bombed oil refineries, and attempted to overthrow a sovereign government through a pattern of terror. The terror claimed predominantly civilian victims. Weinburger, et al, should have faced more than probation from théir classmates on the federal bench. They should have faced an international court of law, holding them responsible for 30,000 deaths in Nicaragua and bottomless suffering endured by a people who sought no more from their Revolution than true independence and a better life. REMEMBER, THE IRAN-CONTRA cover-up pertains only to that time period in which the Boland Amendment prohibited direct or indirect aid to the contras. Congress proved more than willing to fund extraordinary amounts of lethal aid to the contras, as long as they approved it. NO SUCH COVER-UP WAS NECESSARY regarding U.S. military aid to the murderous regimes of Guatemala and El Salvador. U.S. weapons, equipment, training, and advisors flowed through an open pipeline, and with predictable results— 70,000 killed in El Salvador, 100,000 in Guatemala. Part of the pardoned Eliot Abrams’ job was to make crimes against humanity digestible to the American public. Lying to the public is not a prosecutable offense. ABRAMS AND HIS PREDECESSORS, in one example, denied the Salvadoran Army’s massacre of almost 1,000 civilians at E Mazote, Morazén Province, in December of 1981--a massacre that was documented at the time by human rights organizations. The documentation established that the Fort Bragg-trained and U.S.- supplied Atlactl Battalion butchered the people of EI Mazote, lttering their corpses with M-16 casings. Shortly before Bush issued his pardons, a group of forensic anthropologists from Argentina was still digging up skeletons from one of El Mazote’s mass graves-37 in this most recent find, mostly children. There was no need to lie about the U.S. role in EI Salvador; the Administration boasted of its involvement and complicity. The duplicity of its propaganda is merely used to camouflage its worst abuses. BUSH STATED THAT those pardoned were not motivated by greed or 10 personal gain. This is little consolation to the people of Central America who suffered for these men's blood-lust and quest for power. The narrow focus on a single dimension of Iran-Contra doesn't account for the parallel devastation that the Reagan-Bush clique brought to bear on Southern Africa, Lebanon, Palestine, Libya, Panama, and G:-ruda. Commander-in-Chief Bush led his own assaults on Iraq and Panama. And whe finger of U.S. imperialism isn't directly on the trigger, it is pulled by one of its client states. BUSH REFERRED TO Weinburger, et al, as true American patriots. Sunshine patriots is more like it. Suited in seats of power, they designed policies that others implemented through covert operations and wars. The result was death, while the quintessential Ugly Americans slumbered in their suburban Washington homes. Once they were threatened with invéstigations that threatened them with more than a tarnished image or probation, they began to whine like spoiled children. Fiers whined all the way into the U.S. Attorney's office and then provided tearful testimony against Clair George--his former boss at the CIA. Undoubtedly, Bush had a further rat in the pack in mind when he pardoned the lot for "their conduct relating to the Iran-Contra affair". Weinburger was scheduled for trial in January. BUSH AND THOSE HE PARDONED had established themselves as predators that feed off the misery of others. They flaunted both domestic and international law while using their powerful positions to fill graveyards. THE PUBLIC IS FOREVER fed the fiction that there is equal justice under the law for all. It's in the Pledge of Allegiance. What isn't in the Pledge is that the USS. has the largest and most racist prison system on Earth, and approximately 150 political prisoners dispersed throughout the Gulag. Just us poor folks in prison, and more Blacks imprisoned per capita than another U.S. client state--South Africa. PRISONERS OF CONSCIENCE, radicals and revolutionaries, are not pardoned. They are imprisoned for years on end that often turn into decades. Nor are we in country club facilties reserved for the few imprisoned miscreants of the ruling class, and the plague of government snitches. We are chained in the bowels of hell. CASE IN POINT: Those of us convicted of armed actions against U.S. military facilities and war profiteers. The intent and purpose of our actions was o draw the American people’s attention to horrendous crimes being committed by their government, in their name, against the people of Central America. It was one of the numerous courses of action necessary to bring the repression and killing to an end. WE BROUGHT the E Mazote Massacre to the attention of people years before the current revelations. The actions pointed out that revolutionary Nicaragua didn't slaughter its own people as U.S. clients in Central America do, so the U. intervened with its own brand of barbarism. Pointed out also was the Sandinistas’ 1 survival and improvement programs for the poor, again distinguishing it from U.S. client states in the region-programs which the U.S. spared no effort to subvert. To the American people, clandestine organizations sent the message: What good is conscience and moral judgment if we lack the will to take strong action to stop war crimes and crimes against humanity. To know and do nothing is complicity. BUSH'S STATED REASON FOR THE PARDONS: 1) His criminal associates were "motivated by patriotism". Yet, any political prisoner or defendant who has stolen a pair of shoes can tell you that courts do not permit motivation as defense. The denial of a politically-based defense to those who resist government and corporate crimes are one aspect of criminalizing resistance. In any event, the intent of channelling weapons to Nicaragua was to increase the body count and implement US. policy through hired killers. 2) Weinburger, et al, "did not profit from their conduct.” But they did. They retained government positions throughout the Reagan-Bush years. They secured Third World lands, resources, and exploitable labor for U.S. banks and multi-nationals—the capitalist family business. Which directly relates to the third reason: 3) "Each has a record of long and distinguished service to this country.” Indeed--as racketeers in service to an ongoing criminal enterprise called imperialism. Lucrative careers preceded their entry into the Reagan-Bush administration, and the corporate world awaits their return. As Iran-Contra windbag Oliver North has shown, 550,000 speaker fees await those with the blood of Nicaraguans on their hands. To know and do nothing is complicity . . 4) “They have already paid a price--in depleted savings, lost careers, and anguished families." Such crap is often used by convicted felons of the ruling class to avoid prison sentences, o sentences to the worst prisons. They assert their constitutions are 100 delicate to be placed next to convicts who have stolen goods, sold drugs, or wielded guns. They plead fo be spared even the shortest prison sentence because they shelled out a half a million for the best lawyer that can be bought. They've lost their government jobs, though private corporations will find ways to parlay their corrupt ways into profit. The family is embarrassed, not for what they did, but because they got caught. Not surprisingly, this type of appeal often succeeds because the judges are classmates. Bourgeois scum. In this case, the boss of bosses provided insurance. 12 BUT IF YOU ARE onc of those juiled during the L.A. uprising, in Rikers Island for jumping subway turnstiles, or stcaling cars in Newark, you got nothing coming but heartache. In fact, you should consider yourself lucky you aren't being summarily executed. To be poor, Black, Latino, jobless, homeless, underpaid or underfed are not acceptable reasons to stay out of prison. It your ticket in. THE POLITICAL PRISONERS who've stood out from the profiteers and careerists through their commitment to fight oppression and their personal sacrifices have no savings to deplete or careers to be lost. It is our lives that are at stake. Some, like Angel Rodriguez Cristobal, Ahmed Evans, George Jackson, and Kuwasi Balagoon have been murdered or killed by medical neglect. Pedro Albizu Campos and Andrés Figueroa Cordero suffered years of abuse in Federal prison, only to die of their illnesses shortly after release. Alan Berkman and Sylvia Baraldini fought courageous battles against cancer under the most debilitating conditions. Numerous former members of the Black Panther Party have been imprisoned for 18, 20, 22 years. Mumia Abu Jamal faces execution by the state of Pennsylvania 'WE MUST NOT LOSE SIGHT of the real death-dealing crimes of Reagan-Bush-Weinberger et al. And neither should the lives and freedom of political prisoners be denied. THE PUNDITS SAY there’s nothing that can be done about the pardons-- they're enshrined in the Constitution and irreversible. That's what was said about slavery. There is no statute of limitations on war crimes and crimes against humanity. WHILE HISTORY’S INDICTMENT continues to build against our common enemy, a fire needs to be lt to free political prisoners. If the ruling class can protect its own, we should be able to save lives and gain the frecdom of 150 of our own. Whether a blanket amnesty (for which there is ample precedent) or an uncompromising movement to stop the State’s execution of Mumia Abu Jamal, the time is now. Marion Prison, January, 1992 1Y T/zank God for [people who] have some life in them and some conscience, some anguish over others...Gandhi used to say that those who do nothing are far more guilty than those who do violence against tyranny.”’ -Phillip Berrigan, referring to the OHIO 7. THE UPRISING THE LOS ANGELES uprising isn't about a free lunch or integrated lunch counters. It's about those whose lives have been diss'd: disinherited, displaced, discriminated against, and disenfranchised. It's about 500 years of European-exported genocide. The entire state of California sits on stolen Indian and Mexican land. There is nothing legitimate about this kind of theft, nor the institutional racism and violent repression which accompanies it. THE MOST INTENSE flames of this uprising have burned in predominantly Black South Central L.A. This community is one of many emanating from the African Diaspora and its historically developed land base in the Black Belt South. Today’s resistance draws its lifeblood from the earliest slave rebellions and is embodied in the descendants of Malcolm X. There is no "middle of the road" after the Middle Passage. THERE ARE COMMON threads between the L.A. uprising and the 14 Palestinian Intifada. Both defy overwhelming superior police and military forces. Both constitute dispossessed nations fighting for basic human rights. And at the heart of their struggles is the right to national identity and land. The L.A. uprising has broken through one of oppression’s fundamental realities: its disarming effectiveness at turning its victims against each other instead of their oppressors. The rising has redirected the rage of its participants against the moral bankruptcy of capitalism and white supremacy. AS OF THIS writing, the battleground has claimed S0 lives in four days, most by police gunfire. In the usual course of events, L.A.'s killing grounds would take two weeks to claim as many lives. The significant difference is that instead of passively waiting for death to stalk them, the people went on the offensive. Or what might be considered a vigorous self-defense, since they were going to die anyway through police violence, internecine warfare, alcohol and drug poisoning, and social neglect. THE UPRISING RESULTED in extensive property damage. While there was some needless destruction, the people’s firebombs were strikingly accurate at rooting out capitalism’s ghetto infrastructure. For the most part, people avoided damaging schools, mosques, churches, and housing. Most damaged property was corporate and absentee-owned. More than one Bank of Amerikka branch was torched into oblivion. These are the businesses that bleed the community with overpriced staples of life, then take the money and run. These are the purveyors of unlimited supplies of alcohol. It was like pouring salt on leeches as the profiteers squirmed in their suburban enclaves. 'WHEN FACED WITH uprising and mass resistance, the government has historically responded with military intervention. From one decade and century to another--Watts, East St. Louis, Chicago, New York~the police and military have combined to exact a fearful death toll. It was during the 1965 Watts rebellion that Daryl Gates, the Bull Conner of L.A., drew his first blood as a police commander. From Watts, Black rage swept through Cleveland in '66, and Newark, Detroit, and other cities in 1967. After returning from Viet Nam, I travelled to Detroit and saw the immense destruction. In Viet Nam I'd seen extensive bomb damage from the door of a helicopter; in Detroit, I saw it from the asphalt. Both areas burned in wars for self-determination. The deployment of federal troops is predictable, but uprisings that trigger deployment demand attention and demonstrate the potential power of the people. THIS IS NOT a time for apology and accommodation. If I began writing 15 all the names of those murdered and beaten senseless by the police, I'd be writing until forever. I could never catch up with the reality. With cach death is 2 killer cop who walks free, 1 know I've written this before, but it’s something I can't forget. It shouldn't e forgotten. I will write but two: Philip Pannel, a Black teenager frum Teaneck, New Jersey, who died from a police officer’s bullet as his hands were raised oves his haad. And Ralph Canady, a personal friend, who was murdered in cold blood by police in Baltimore, Maryland. No civil rights inquiries were initiated into these murders. There rarely are. It took 50 deaths in LA. and the U.S. government's embarrassment in the court of world opinion to legitimize a federal inquiry into the Rodney King case. THOUSANDS HAVE BEEN arrested in LA., and the federal and state governments have formed a special task force to prosecute them. Steal a pair of shoes and go to jail; rip off the livelihood of a people and you're rewarded with profits and high office. These prosecutions will be punitive and vindictive. Years after the Watts rebellion, some of its participants are still in California prisons. Black Nationalist Ahmed Evans was sentenced to death following the Cleveland uprising. I first met Ralph Canady after he'd been railroaded to prison in the wake of the 1968 rebellion in Nashville’s Black community. Colonial rebellions strike fear in the bowels of American capitalism, and it'l spare no effort to imprison the most rebellious. Still in prison, some for decades, are those women and men that represent their people’s aspirations to be free: Leonard Peltier, Geronimo Pratt, Mumia Abu-Jamal, Gary Tyler, Alejandrina Torrés, Abdul Hagg, and many others. As Mandela put it-there’s no easy way to walk to freedom. ... more prisons in a country already choking with them . ‘THE FEDERAL DEPLOYMENT in L.A. includes elements of the U.S. Marshall’s Service, who made their notorious mark in history tracking fugitive slaves, the racist dogs of the Border Patrol, and the Bureau of Prisons. The presence of the latter is a further indication of what lies in store for the rebellious poor: more prisons in a country that's already choking with them. The U.S. has more steel cages than any country on earth, and imprisons more Blacks per capita than South Africa. 1 live in this compressed nightmare of a gulag. Each year of my imprisonment I've endured the exile with those from amerikkka’s barrios and ghettos, including South Central and East LA, There’s no denying this apartheid reality or the necessity o break its chains. NAT TURNER SAID that the struggle for freedom was not a war for robbery or to satisfy passions. Opportunists exist everywhere, but most of that unleashed power of mass resistance did not act with criminal intent. They are pursuing their very survival. Their intent is to demand respect and gain some measure of control over their 16 lives and community. What criminal intent exists is primarily represented by police violence and a system which fosters and protects the real criminals: that rotten element that lives in bourgeois splendor derived from cxploiting and defrauding societies’ most vulnerable. Their rapacity is exceeded only by their ruthlessness and disregard for the value of human life. The rule of class and white supremacy ensures that they operate with impunity. NO DOUBT THE system will attempt some band-aid application to problems reflected in the uprising. This has been attempted before, but hasn’t worked. That’s one of the messages from the streets— government money, with all its bureaucratic strings, may alleviate some conditions in the short term, but it cannot deal with the basic causes that underlie a people’s subjugation. There’s only one serious context in which to discuss money, and that is reparations. Billions of dollars in reparations. Millions of acres of land in reparations. However, a government and a general population that applauds the agonizing death of Iraqi children caused by U.S. bombing raids will not seriously consider reparations simply to quell the impact of S0 deaths and property destruction in LA THE SITUATION IS desperate but not hopeless. To rise from ashes and bondage requires a well- organized and militant resistance that's willing and prepared to take it to the limit. For amerikka’s most oppressed, there is no viable alternative to revolutionary nationalism and socialism. THERE WAS WIDESPREAD participation by Mexicans in the L A. uprising, though the media has ‘manipulated coverage to keep them voiceless. Their involvement is understandable given the conditions of survival and the fact the amerika occupies their land. Los Angeles was forcibly taken from the Mexicans in 1846. THERE WAS MARGINAL participation by young whites in L.A., as well as in actions in other cities. This s cacouraging, but it is not enough. Historically, white people hav aid claim to privilege based on race. There are ns, but they're not the r White power rules in amerika, as is clearly evident in the presidency, congress, supreme court, and corporate boardrooms. You can see it in the faces of the swine wearing the of the LAPD. You see it in celebrations of Columbus. There are those that ce the racist ideclogy that permeates this country, others are simply compiacent d with its effects. Both are part of the problem. 17 Vet and broader grouping of FOR THE PREDOMINANTLY whi gressives”, there exists 2 heightencd call o action. Where are the millions who “prog created a vibrant anti-apartheid movement? Where are all those that provided political support and material aid o Nicaragua and Fl Salvador? Where are the near million strong: that attended the recent pro-choice demonstration in Washington? And where in hell is organized labor? 11°s time for this conspiraey of silence to ¢ FOR POOR AND working-class whites, the choice is clear: collaboration with a system based on white supremacy, or combatting it. When John Brown was asked aitt to end slavery. he replied *I act from principle. My abjective is o restore 5" When Malcolm X was asked what whites who care about Black peoples’ struggles could do 10 support them, he replied "Do as John Brown did.” It's time 1o g mantling the apartheid legacy of slavery. It's time to organize a 20th century U's way why he for human rig down to d abolition movement, and to provide aid and assistance freedom fighters. eyond the time of no retrn Marion Prison, May, 1992 FROM 1976 through 1984, m M Johnson Jackson Unit and the alled for the release of political prisoners and POW's from U.S. United Freedom Front prisons. This call, accentuated h the use of explosives, was integrated with other 1. and support for hrou issues such as independence for Puerto Rico, an end to aparthe Amer liberation moveme or seven long time activists and tn 1985, the first of many trials bega revolutionaries. Collectively known as the Obio 7. the first group trial stemmed from resistance actions attributed to the UFE, including the hombings of U.S. military facilities. This trial resulted in numerous convictions. Subsequently, § people were indicted on Sedition and RICO (Racketeer Influenced Corrupt Organization) charges coming out of SMIJ/UFF uctions. This case resulted in the longest sedition trial in U.S. history and acquittals for those who remained in the case. | was a defendant in both cases as was Richard Williams and Thomas Manning, WEEN the earlier UFF trial and the Sedition case, there was a New I in which Tom and Richard were tried for the 1981 shooting death of a state trooper. In very compelling and unequivocal testimony, Tom described how he had shot the trooper in self-defense after the trooper tried to kill him with his 357 Magnum. During the court proceedings it was determined that the trooper had fired a minimum of 6 shots; carried an unregistered. uniicensed “drop gun” concealed on his person, and was previously involved in shooting incidents. Jersey state tri J that Richard Wi liams TOM testific s not preseat at the shooting. AT trial's conelusion, Tom Manning was convicied of felony murder. The jury failed to reach a verdici on Richard, with the majority for acquittal. This led to a second trial, a retrial, which hegan S years later on September 30th, 1991, and ended with Richard’s conviction in December. A year earlier, December 7-10, 1990, a Special Tribunal on the violation of the human rights of political prisoners/POW's in U.S. prisons and jails was held in New York City. This event was convened hy 88 sponsoring and endorsing organizations, including Freedom Now!. 1 coalition of organizations and individuals pledged to support political prisoners. Hundreds of activisis attended the event. The Tribunal provided an apportunity and forum to cxamine the political jons of over one hundred political prisoncrs. Examination was also given to government claims that these prisoners are simply terrorists and eriminals THE Tribunal drew numerous conclusions based on the evidence. Among these findings: U.S. prisons hold substantial numbers of political prisoner/POW's, including “white north american opponents of U.S. government policies.” The Tribunal then issued the following call to actions--"It is of eritical import nee that the international human rights community as well as all freedom loving people to bring 19 worldwide attention to the plight of U.S. political prisoners.” HOW is it that one year after the Tribunal’s findings. the New Jersey trial of Richard Williams elicited no moral or political support from those who organized, sponsored, endorsed and atiended this event? Or from the organizations and individuals affiliated with Freedom Now!? How did circumstances and attitudes evolve to the point of adding insult to injury by abandoning Richard Williams 10 a relentless attack by the State? IT has been my position, shared by some of my comrades, that we do not distance ourselves politically from actions claimed by the SM11/UFF. For example, we do not deny bombing the offices of the South African government in 1982, or the destruction of military facilities. We think they were necessary and righteous actions designed to draw the attention of the American people to crimes being committed by their own government THIS has had repercussions in our ability 10 build support among the organized Left and others. Many activists consider the SMIJ/UFE actions "dirty” because they involved the use or threat of violence, including confrontations with the police. ‘These activists won't even consider extending support 1o those who do not establish their innocence" or repudiate armed resistance. Trying to gain their favor resembles an appearance before a parole board. AT his recent trial, Richard Williams maintained his innocence throughout the circumstantial case against him, yet political and moral support did not materialize. With the exception of a few individuals who braved the elements and police intimidation, the Left virtually boycotied the trial. The alternative press, with the exception of the Canadian Left, did not devote so much as a single column inch (o the trial. Events were not organized or shared which would draw attention 0 our comrade’s plight. One of the few bright spots in the midst of this wayward stampede was defense attorney Lynne Stewart, who put forward 2 valian cffort. WHY the white out? Despite the rhetoric of our detractors, the issue is not one of "guilt” or “innocence”. If it were, the courtroom would have heen filled with supporters from that nearby hotbed of rudicalism, New York City. As it was, the courtroom was filled with state cops making their own political statement. The real deal with those that renounce us and retreat from trials and prison battlegrounds is that we 20 are seen as anti-imperialists with guns. Guns were used to defend ourselves; guns to confront the enemy, guns that speak for our own liberation and provide support to others. With no apologics. SELF DEFENSE was clearly established in the New Jersey case. However, our critics” convoluted logic turns the issue around to a condemnation: What were we doing with guns to begin with! The soft part of the Left filed a superseding indictment behind that of the State, implicating us as terrorists and criminals. The guns, our lack of adherence to a particular party line, our radical ideas (e.g. the liberation of oppressed nations within the borders of the U.S. Empire) are used by others 1o label the Ohio 7 as renegade workers unworthy of support. THERE are those who've just begun to grasp the necessary understanding and courage to denounce the inherent injustice of 20 year old cases involving our Black Panther Party and Black Liberation Army comrades, and others. Yet they don’t lift a finger to help someone on trial now. Anyone who has been chewed up in this so-called “criminal justice” system will tell you support is most effective in the trial stage. Convictions are extremely difficult to get reversed, and early support lays the foundation for protracted support if necessary. A New York judge put it succinetly when he stated the government has an interest in the finality of judgments. s in bury them alive— MUCH of the North American Left suffers from myopia on this issue of political prisoners. It aff their value judgments. They place our value at nil. They see no relationship or kindred spirit between those who function clandestinely or outside the bounds of the Empire’s law, and the combatants, bombmakers, expropriators, armorers, courtiers, and propagandists of other anti-imperialist struggles. Struggles represented by the FMLN, the FSLN, Umkhonto we Sizwe, the PLA of the Philippines, etc. They merit admiration and respect. We get ostracized and disrespect. WHEN Mandela toured the U.S. after his release from prison, I watched with pride as millions turned out to welcome him. Nelson Mandela symbolizes anti apartheid resistance and the defiant spirit of political prisoners. Most Left organizations expressed enthusiastic support for Mandela--and aippreciation for his sacrifice on behalf of others. It was a very special moment when Mandela spoke in Harlem. Adding to its significance was Mandela sharing the stage and place of honor with Black Panther Party leader Dhoruba Bin Wahad, and former Puerto Rican Nationalist Prisoners of War. Liberal and conservative politicians opposed their prescnce on stage. It is then with some irony that so many Left organizations, year after year, refused to acknowledge the political persecution of these comrades. Curious, that many didn’t recognize the connection between the fight against white supremacy in Amerikka. Disturbing, that at no time prior, during, or after did anyone acknowledge the reality of U.S. political prisoners in prison for years, and still in prison today, for anti-apartheid actions. THE consistency with which the Left ignores political prisoners can be seen through the experiences of soldiers that refused to serve in the Gulf War. These working class women and men took the risks, bad discharges, and imprisonment. For their commitment and sacrifice, they received scant support from the various antiwar groups and coalitions, with the major exceptions of Citizen Soldier, the War Resisters’ League, and the anti-imperialist segment of Viet Nam Veterans Against the War. EXCEPTIONAL also is the Puerto Rican Independence Movement, and the singular example of Leonard Peltier (also, the particular effort formed around IRA prisoner Joe Doherty). They have made progress with integrating the lives of the prisoners with other community and political issues. HOWEVER, few prisoners, including ant organizational support. The demise of Freedom Now! from competing agendss, personal squabbling, and myriad other self-induced problems undermined the good intentions and hard work of a few. It dashed the hopes of scores of political prisoners, long ago forgotten. This is a continuation of a decades- old legacy which relegates political prisoners to the status of irritant and minor humanitarian consideration. imperialist prisoners, receive THE prisoners want and need outside support. We need it to remain visible and as a vehicle for activism; as a measure of physical protection and to secure our freedom. Our lifeline is perilously weak. il THE State put a lot of muscle and resources into prosecuting Richard Williams. Every day, state police ringed the courthouse, patrolled the building and occupied the courtroom. This was more than a symbolic demonstration—it was a strategy designed 1o use the power of the State to take a man’s life. The dichotomy was striking: a frenzied police power bent on exacting their pound of flesh, and the wilted response of the Left. There was the depth, character, and attitude of each in the context of a political trial. NEITHER my comrades nor 1 have asked for awards, promotions, or pensions. If that's what 1 wanted, 1 would have re-enlisted with the U.S. Army rather than join with the unconventional forces. Some will say I have an axe to grind. "My purpose is to stir the conscience and inflame the passions . .. ." No doubt. I began to sharpen my axe under the war skies of Viet Nam. 25 years ago. I've continued to hone its edge as my own life was rubbed raw with oppression. With me, the political IS personal. THIS is not a criticism of the entire Left. Most of the Left doesn't even know we exist. For those who have made a difference in our lives—you know who you are. Neither s it meant to be a comprehensive analysis. My purpose is to stir the conscience and inflame the passions; to draw attention to the inherent weakness of political organizations and movements that cut and run at the first sign of a courtroom confrontation. ALL progressive and revolutionary movements have their activists and seditious conspirators. Some of us are imprisoned for our commitment. Do you see us as part of your community, or as casualties of a war you'd just as soon forget? Do you see us at all? For after all s said and done, the women and men locked down for their political beliefs, intent, and actions are the United States’ political prisoners. UNTIL ALL ARE FREES = January, 1992 Available from | PROFANE EXISTENCE - P.0.BOX 8722 | M MINNEAPOLIS, MN 55408 - US.A. [l N Unu! A1l Ao Froo Tho Trial Statemant of Ray Luc Lovassour Atack Intarnational - $2.85 5 Tha trial statement of American antrimperi. 23 alst prisoner Ray Luc Levassour who ro- caivod a 45 yoar sentence for conspiring 1o Sverthrow the U.S. Governmant. A powe. 1) and moving statement DEAR BETTY GREETINGS TO YOU on Intemational Women's Day! T was pleased to receive your leiter and appreciaic the kind words. 1t was very nice of you 1 write. It was also ng o hear the Berkshire Forum continues on. Every progressive voice is important. encour "M SURE THE RESPECTID PANELISTS at the Forum will address a range of human rights issucs. Through my own life experiences, [ have come 1 place supreme ¢ on human rights and have comn al of my life © the struggle for social justice. My work has most often tiken the form organizer or combatant. | don’t consider mysell much of a w TWOULD, however, ke to take this opportunity 10 share with you some observations about the control unit prisan at Masion, Hlinois. | have monitored conditions here for many years and they have monopolized my fife since they arrived, shortly after the conclusion of the Sedition wial. There’s a story here that necds 1o be told. MARION IS A CONTROL UNIT PRISON. lis nhysical brutality, deprivation there are thousands of p men is enford d through nd psychological tnure. 1 do not overstate the situation and es of documented evidenee which atiests to the suffering and rights violations in Marion CONTROL UNIT POLICIES are based on isolation, separation, and controlled movement. Since the 1983 guard riot in which hundreds of prisoners were brutalized, Marion has been “locked down”. We are confined to solitary cells, 22 1/2 a day. If I stand at the bars of my cell, I can see approximately 50 feet down-range--to another wall. THERE EXISTS a total separation of cell blocks. Prisoners in one cell block have no contact with prisoners in the other area. Puerto Rican patriot Oscar Lopez Rivera is 200 feet from me but I never see him. EACH HALF of a cell block has two tiers of cells. But prisoners on one tier are never let out of their cells with prisoners from the other tier. Our primary " 10 be let out onto the corridor in front of our cells for 1 1/2 hours with nothing to avail ourselves of. There is no exercise equipment, no work for the laborer, nothing to engage the intellect. The maximum number of prisoners allowed out of their cells at one time is 9, but usually does not exceed 7-8. Weather permitting, we are allowed outside into a yard, once a week, for 2 hours. The perimeter of Marion makes the Berlin Wall look like a minor obstacle. SOCIALIZING among prisoners has been effectively barred. INTEGRAL TO MARION'S regimen is the use of “restraints.” Guards never get near a prisoner unless separated by a barrier or the prisoner in restraints, either handcuffed behind the back or in handcuffs and leg irons. A prisoner does not move anywhere in this prison unless he is in restraints, even if the move is 100 fect to the guards’ office or a mere 30 feet to another cell. Here's how it works: Guards will approach your cell door. You must turn away from them and back up to the door, extending your arms behind you and through an opening in the door. Handeuffs are placed on your wrists. The door is then opened and a guard immediately grabs you by the chain links of the handcuffs. (Through the entire course of the movement, and until you are on the other side of a barrier, he will not let go.) You back out of the cell. Your back must always be towards the guard. You are pat searched. From that moment on, you move and stop on command. The procedure is reversed and repeated at each destination and upon return to your cell. When you are returned to your cell, you are frequently pat searched. 25 ALL GUARDS CARRY 3-foot clubs with steel balls on cach end. The steel allows them to separate your ribs and cause internal injuries without breaking bone. ‘The club-wielding guards are an omnipresent reminder that you will be beaten senseless unless you go along with the program. WHEN CLUBS FAIL to do the job, prisoners have been chained to concrete slabs (for days on end!) to contemplate their rebelliousness. Prisoners have also been forcibly injected with drugs. Recently, the U.S. Supreme Court approved the forcible use of psychotropic drugs on prisoners without their consent or due process protection. This merely put a high-level stamp of approval on what has been an ongoing practice in prisons. While in the segregation unit at MCC/New York I personally witnessed several prisoners forcibly strapped into their bunks and injected with tranquilizers. ADDING TO THE VIOLENCE and humiliation directed towards the Marion prisoners is the selective use of "anal probes”. This has been likened by prisoners to anal rape. Guards will attack a prisoner in restraints, remove his clothes, and one of them will shove their fingers in the prisoner’s anus. HEALTH CARE is & major grievance of the prisoners, and topping this category is the toxic water supply from which we are forced to drink. Marion draws its water from Crab Orehard lake, an area which has one of the most sérious PCB toxic waste problems in the country. The lake itself has been designated to receive EPA Superfund cleanup money. In addition to PCB toxins, it has been determined that the area also contains other hazardous wastes, such as lead and cadmium. At one time, this lake was the backup source of drinking water for the town of Marion until disclosure of the contamination led the town to seek an alternative source. Although a class action suit has been filed on behalf of the prisoners, the bureau of prisons has refused to allow a lawyer for the prisoners a sample for testing. The men here have reported a variety of health problems, including rashes and subcutaneous lumps, but are denied health consultations and treatment. This is one of the many human rights violations which take place at Marion every day. NONE OF THE MARION BROTHERS believes the courts imposed a death sentence on us. 26 IN THE SPRING OF 1989, there was an outbreak of intestinal parasites, which can be contracted by ingestion of fecally-contaminated water. The bureau of prisons has said it cannot determine the source of the outbreak. IN THE FALL OF 1989, over 100 prisoners became violently ill with what they suspected was food poisoning. Prison medical workers made no attempt to diagnose or treat the problem. HEALTH CARE AT MARION is in the same realm as due process for alleged disciplinary infractions. It exists only for whatever purposes the administration wants it to serve. EVERY DAY the Marion Brothers must deal with intense isolation and the ongoing psychological assaults against us. There is no human touch in marion and the prison makes no concession to the human spirit. Marion exists to break the will of prisoners who refuse to grovel at the feet of our self-anointed masters. MARION IS the only federal prison in the country which does not allow contact visits. Visitors are separated from prisoners by a plexiglass barrier and must speak through monitored phone receivers. As long as I am here, I will never be allowed to touch my children. Just how long you remain in Marion is entirely up to the discretion of the bureau of prisons. Some men have been here 12 years WE MUST EAT and defecate in our cells. Unlike other prisons, the cells here have been stripped of their furnishings. In their place is 2 concrete block on which has been placed a plastic mattress. It has four iron rings embedded in it to allow the guards to chain, naked and spreadeagled, those who arouse their ire. Three small conerete slabs protruding from the wall round out the decor. In a tribute to 20th century penology, Marion is the only federal prison which installs a small television in each cell. Tts purpose is to pacify and keep the demons of insanity at bay. The bureau of prisons doesn't necessarily want to drive the prisoners insane. It wants them to submit. how much of our living, breathing humanity will be ground into dust . . . 27 IN KEEPING with the racist nature of the prison system, two-thirds of Marion prisoners are Third World--Black, Latino, Native American. The overwhelming majority of the guards are white. THERE ARE no religious services and the chapel stands idle. 1 SAID there was no work in Marion and for the large majority of us that is true. However, there is one exception. Before a prisoner can be transferred to another prison, he must prove he is worthy by some ambiguous standard set down by administrators. This includes a year's stay in the “pre-transfer” cell block (B unit), in which you are assigned a production job. What you produce is materiel (wire and cable) for the United States military. MARION IS THE MOST maximum security prison in the United States. It is the government’s disciplinary prison and holds both federal and state prisoners. Since its inception as a control unit prison, many inside organizers and political prisoners have been transferred here. I have never been in federal prison before, yet I was sent to Marion directly from court following my acquitial of seditious conspiracy. I was sent here because of my political beliefs, and what the government calls my political associations. Yet the Department of Justice continues to propagate the lie that only the most serious of disciplinary violations gets a prisoner transferred to Marion. The bureau of prisons can at any time and without justifiable cause change a prisoner’s security classification to cover their transfer to Marion. MARION HAS AN EVIL REPUTATION. It is used to intimidate tens of thousands of other prisoners, any of whom could be transferred here at a moment's notice. The bureau of prisons has deliberately ereated a place of real suffering, which suffocates both mind and body. It is designed to create prisoners who are the walking wounded, to strike fear in any or all who would contemplate resistance to the system. ONE OF THE MANY WARDENS who have served a tour of duty at Marion publically stated, “the purpose of Marion is to control revolutionary attitudes in the prison system and society at large.” Recalcitrant prisoners, organizers, rights advocates, and political prisoners make good test subjects according to Marion policy. It is our belief systems that come under attack from Marion’s brainwashing schemes ("to force aperson o reject old beliefs and accept new ones-by subjecting them to great mental pressure"). AMNESTY INTERNATIONAL, IN A DEPARTURE from its usual lack of interest in the U.S. prison system, has condemned Marion for violating many of the United Nations’ Standard Minimum Rules for the Treatment of Prisoners. The Seventh Circuit Court of Appeals has described conditions at Marion as "sordid, horrible, and ghastly.” A Congressional subcommittee has released reports on human rights violations at Marion. But after all is said, nothing is done to change life at Marion. every day, the 28 assault on our humanity continues. OUR OPPRESSORS try to justify their policies by categorizing the Marion Brothers as "the worst of the worst", as if we were just so much human garbage. This propaganda ploy has been used for as long as any of us can remember. I saw it used during the Viet Nam War. It was a thinly-veiled cover to justify the government’s own criminal actions, that they may continue unfettered with their exploitation and atrocities. UNLIKE THE CAMPAIGN to close the Lexington Control Unit for Women, the struggle of the Marion Brothers has received only marginal support among progressive people. Though the U.S. prison population has more than doubled since the early "70's, with the number of Third World prisoners reaching alarming proportions, most of the Left ignores the issue. They fail o see prisons and the police as the States’ first line of defense in the ciass war. ‘THE ISSUE OF POLITICAL PRISONERS has long since ceased to be an important issue in this country. Somehow, those of us imprisoned and mistreated because of our political commitment, do not merit enough respect from progressives to gain their support and protection. We are attacked by the government and ignored by those who should be our natural allies. If such a view continues to propagate-along with control units themselves--human rights abuses in U.S. prisons and in other aspects of our society will remain unchallenged on the altar of U.S. exception BETTY, I recently read @ book by STARHAWK, a witch and healer. She says: "No matter how strong we become, how many inner demons we conquer, how many insights we gain, we are ultimately confirming our own isolation unless our journey is grounded in a relationship with living, breathing human beings." CONDITIONS AT MARION are calculated to sever the relationships we have with our loved ones, people from our communities, and political movements. Amnesty International’s report on Marion stated that policies here are designed to break the defiant spirit and alter the behavior of prisoners. It goes on to say that we are continually subjected to sensory and psychological deprivation, and stripped of our individual identities in a process called “mortification and depersonalization.” STARHAWK's view is an affirmation of life and belief in human potential. Marion is a negation of this. Conditions here force us into an intense fight for survival, 29 but how much of our living, breathing humanity will be ground into dust within isolation cells and by the very struggle it takes to survive these conditions” ‘Time will tell, but at the moment, the prognosis doesn’t look good. 10376/016 United States Penitentiary Marion, Illinois 62959 March 8, 1990 1 Hauling Up the Morning | Izando la Maniana writings & art by political prisoners | & prisoners of war in the U.S. These voices arc our conscience—words of listen to the essence of 2 reality and 2 longing that b . and courage. Read them and A powerfully moving, thought-provoking testament to th 3 mind. Pride, sincerity, openness, and unshakeable revol 2 vical heritage that ‘peopie 2nd beyond as an awakening vehicle. — Juan Sancher Edited by Tim Blunk, Raymond Luc Levasseur | and the editors of Jacobin Books Introduction by Assata Shakur Prefatory note by Wiliam Kunstier avaiable for $15.95 at your local booksiore | or from Red Sea Press, 15 Industry Court. Trenton. NJ 086 COMRADE GEORGE IN AUGUST 1971, I was working a menial job, my hands rough and hewn from lugging thousands of conerete blocks. | was on parole at the time, endinga 5 to 7 year sentence for selling an undercover cop a few joints. First offence. But since my return from Viet Nam, I'd been organizing against the war-effectively. That was a far greater crime than the joints. ON AUGUST 21st, I heard the news that the brother 1 knew as Comrade George had been murdered in the prison yard of San Quentin. The first shot from a guard's rifle had hit George in the leg, and dropped him 1o his knees. The second shot was put through his skull and killed him. The man I admired most in the world was dead. T WAS STILL CONSUMED with grief and rage when, three weeks later, New York State Police stormed Attica Prison and systematically murdered 29 prisoners in what became known as the Attica Rebellion and Massacre. Like everywhere else, most of the prisoners were Black or Latino. JACKSON was a new breed of political prisoner. At the time of his death, he had already spent half of his life in prison for a $70 robbery. Imprisoned on a criminal charge, George proceeded to change his life, and the lives of others. He became politically conscious, & skilied organizer and member of the Black Panther Party. He received international acclaim with the publication of his first book Soledad Brother:The Prison Writings of George Jackson, which contained an introduction by French author Jean Genet. SOLEDAD BROTHER became a fundamental writing of Black militancy. George's writing projected the spirit of Black people who have experienced centuries of racism, economic exploitation, and violent repression. THIS BOOK was followed by a ser armed resistance 10 the systemic violence of the be funerals, they will be on both sides. Biood in my Eye, with its focus on He made it clear that if there are o ECUTION WARRANT for George came down the moment his fluence as a leader in the Black Liberation struggle wan felt beyond the confines of his prison cell. Wherever and whenever Black women and men begin o assert effective leadership, they become targets of assassination or imprisonment. From the fallen leaders of skve revolts 1o the murders of Medgar Evers, Malcolm X, Martin Luther King Ir., Fred Hampion, and dozens of Black Panthers, this country has repeatedly demonstrated it will not tolerate a movement that fights for the human rights and aspirations of Black peaple Wherever and whenever Black women and men begin to assert effective leadership, they become targets of assassination or imprisonment. . . . LISTEN TO THE WORDS of Comrade George: “Born to a premature I, subsistence-wage worker, odd-job man, the cleaner, the caught, the man U's me, the colonial victim. Anyone who passed the civil kill me today. with complete immunity. Pve lived with repression every moment of my life, a repression so formidable that any movement on my part can only bring relief, the respite of @ small vietory or the reiease of death. In every sense of the term, in every sense that's real, Fm a slave to and of property.” THE WORDS AND PERSPECTIVE are George Jackson's but elearly we have seen a similar vein in Malcolm X and Nelson Mandela. Mandela has often pointed 10 the role of prisons in South Afri ¢ existence of pofitical prisoners. Tn 1971, George recognized that certain colonial conditions existed within the borders of the United States nc LISTEN TO THE WORDS of George Jackson: “The hypoerisy of Amerikan fascism forces it to coneeal its attacks on political offenders by the legal fiction of conspiracy laws and highly sophisticated frameups. [People] . . . must understand the true function of prisons. Why do they exist in such large numbers? What is the real underlying economic motive of erime and the official definitions of types of offenders and victims? IN 1990, the United States has more Blacks imprisoned, per capita, than South Africa. There are also well over 100 political prisoners. MANDELA POINTS TO TIE South Africa. George Jackson wrote: “The prin in Amerika lies in wait inside the Black colony.’ al reservoir of revolutionary potential GEORGE RECOGNIZED that Black people in the U.S. are subjected to a form of apartheid. Since 1971, the prison system has more than doubled--satellite camps 10 the ghettos and projects that exist in most urban areas. One fourth of Black men in their 20's are in prison, on parole, or probation. People in Harlem have a shorter life expectancy than the people of impoverished Bangladesh. In New York, AIDS is the primary cause of death among Black women under 40 the infant mortality rate among Black babies is nothing short of eriminal; the cold-blooded murders of Black people by killer cops has replaced the lynch rope. I HAVE WATCHED with much interest the warm and exuberant reception extended to Mandela during his recent tour of the country. People say we need a hero in these difficult times. Mandela s certainly an inspiration-—-a person of great courage and principle. He told the American people we need to deal with our own internal affairs and reiterated the ANC's position that they arc opposed o white supremacy wherever it raises its ugly head. He reminded us of the sacrifices and commitment of our own Nat Turner, John Brown, Rosa Parks, Malcolm X, and so many AND I AM REMINDED of Comrade George who made the supreme AS IF FORECASTING HIS MURDER at the hunds of the State, George wrote, with rage, "This monster—the monster they engendered in me will return to torment its maker, from the grave, the pit, the profoundest pit. Hurl me into the next existence; the descent into Hell won't turn me . . .. I'm going to charge them reparations in blood. I'm going to charge them like a maddened, wounded, rogue male elephant, ears flared, trunk raised, trumpet blaring . . . . War, without terms.” 33 PUBLISHERS LONG AGO ceased 1o print the books of George Jackson, though many a tattered copy remains in circulation.' There is no profit to be made in the hopes and aspirations of Black people—-only in their oppression. George propelled those hopes and aspirations 1o the top of the agenda. He stood as a symbol incarnate of Black pride and courage. THE SPIRIT OF GEORGE LIVES on in the fertile legacy of common people’s history. His blood continues to flow through the veins of young Black people Tashing out at the chains of colonial subjugation. His life is not lost on those who organize against lynch mobs from Los Angeles to Bensonhurst. His legacy continues to torment the oppressor, for as long as conditions of life deteriorate for so many, the rulmg class and its functionaries will harbor the fear of resistance. Reparations WILL be paid. His legacy continues to torment the oppressor 1 WRITE THIS from a prison cell in the locked-down, chained-up, and poisoned prison in Marion, lilinois. Concrete blocks are still close at hand. Throughout its history, as well as today, Marion holds the largest concentration of political prisoners in the U'S. My cell is 20 miles from George Jackson’s grave in Vernon, lllinois. On this day 1 reflect on the life of our brother who gave everything he had for the freedom of his people. (Script for August 16, 1990 “Inside Kites', Political Prisoners and Prisoners of War.) WORT/FM's weekly program by and about U.S. ! since this article was written, Blood in My Eye and Soledad Brother have been reprinted. 34 FROM BEHIND THE WIRE: A View Of The Gulf War (excerpts from u personal letter) THE AMERIKAN GULAG is now the largest in the world. The motherfucker of all prison systems. The United States imprisons more of its citizens than any country on earth, and more Black people than are taken down by apartheid. When the U.S. isn't busy supporting apartheid, it’s busy practicing it. A type of re-enslavement. The price of freedom, says our government, includes over one million children, women and men imprisoned behind the bars of the amerikan flag. A cost of living increase which includes the unemployed, homeless, hungry, and sick. We have entered the killing zone that constitutes crimes against humanity, which is 10 say, a particularly heinous offense committed during war. The government says, and we damn well know, that war wages within the borders of Amerika. The poor of Amerika are more endangered of life and limb than the Amerikan soldier parked in the Persian Gulf. Death bears out this fact. PRISONERS OF CLASS and conflict; prisoners of oppressed nations and political prisoners and prisoners of war against colonialism. The Prisoners Rights Union (Californiz) recently completed a study which concluded that extreme forms of “discipline", ranging from beatings and assaults of prisoners to sensory deprivation for prolonged periods are the norm in maximum security prisons across the U.S. The norm in Amerika is to subject prisoners to neglect, abuse, and the longest sentences in the world (Amerika has a penchant for records). Flagship Marion is 3 symptomatic in that it has been continually locked down since 1983 and cited by Amnesty International for violating every one of the United Nations Standard Minimal Rules for the Treatment of Prisoners. THINK ABOUT IT - over one million prisoners wailing to return 10 the army of under and unemployed. That's equivalent to the total number of soldiers on both sides of the Gulf War. The prisoners are coming home to pay their respects after years of being abused, assaulted, humiliated, sensory deprived, and worked for criminal wages. Out of a revolving door through which another million will eventually pass; tormented with symptoms of PTSD, ready to implode or explode upon impact with the Amerikan landscape. 1t should be some homecoming. IF RECIDIVIST STATISTICS mean anything, we know that the large ‘majority will commit further crimes — to survive, to signify, to strike back. We will have the lumpen and bottomed-out working class at their worst unless we can wake up the consciousness, triumph human dignity, and develop a base from which we can organize and seriously kick in survival programs on multiple levels. Survival implies at least an apprenticeship with the martial arts. THE LEFT AND 1. The movements and us. The left had a brief fling with prisoners in this country but it has long since passed. Ironic, given the numbers and composition of the prison population. The extended families. It took the Attica uprising and George Jackson to force their attention span beyond what it was accustomed to. Today there is little meaningful recognition of political prisoners. The perception seems t0 be that there is no political capital to be had in defending those who have been captured. Not enough of us to bother with you say? A soccer stadium filled to bursting is more in line with your world view? By then you'll be looking at your broken finger ‘bones wondering who'll remember you? Workers? Don’t start me to talkin’, I'll tell everything I know. An academic issue with too many groups whose leadership and perspective is middle cluss. The poor? "The People” if you like them; lumpen if you have reservations. My kind of people. But it's a hard row to hoe when you don't have a pot to in. But we do get lots of ink in the literature. Soldiers? Ah yes - the proletariat armed. Serious weaponry. Lots of recent emphasis on organizing GI's - a necessary component of anti-war and anti-imperialist organizing. Butl where was the effort before the deployment to the Gulf? It's been playing catch-up with a blitzkrieg. ‘There have been some laudable efforts but much of it came from a defensive posture or opportunistic design, with some anti-war formations wrapped in their own version of yellow ribbons. 36 THERE WAS an organizational rep who asked my opinion on the Gulf War, from the perspective of a Viet Nam veteran, though not from the perspective of a soldier still at war. Understandable request, but a real piece of irony none the less. | spent twelve months in the Viet Nam combat zone. I spent 120 months fighting from clandestinity right here in the heart of the beast. Yet my Viet Nam service draws more interest, as it often did in past media interviews. Why is that? The government indicted me for sedition covering the years 1974-1984 stating "...it was further part of the conspiracy that the defendants did state in a communiqué that as a matter of revolutionary principal and strategy, ‘we must expose and attack military contractors like Honeywell [among other misdeeds, a producer and peddler of cluster bombs]...we must continue 1o attack U.S. imperialism, its military, and its war producers.” That defendants requested, encouraged, incited, and asked other persons, known and unknown to them, to commit acts of sabotage and armed actions.” ASK ME about war profiteers and white collar mercenaries out there pimping for the government, and why | advocate sweeping away all pests!! I CONFESS THAT my first act of sahotage was in 1964, at the volatile age of seventeen. This was several years before I became politically conscious and active. T learned how to sabotage machinery from French-Canadians in the mill where we worked. The owners were burning us out with speed-ups and other hazards so we threw the proverbial shoe, le sabot, into the machines. Temporary relief in a non-union shop. WHY, THEN, when people think of me soldiering do they think of me as a young dude in *Nam, 1966-67, rather than a seasoned veteran from a ten year hitch underground (where in some respects I saw more action than in Viet Nam). Do they see in my reflection the blood in my eye, the unabashed militancy, the faded pay stubs, tarnished dreams, physical deprivation, the prison within the prison within the prison? (During the sedition trial, I showed folks photos of me from the "Nam - steel pot, flak jacket, M-14, machine gun on standby. That isn't you, they'd respond. Can't be. Is it2). T'm asked what it was like to fight for the government, rather than my more significant and meaningful fight against the government. Certainly, every soldier bears witness. In Viet Nam 1 got a birds-cye view of bomb craters from the shotgun seat next to the door gunner. I saw a couple of gunships go down, killing 14-15 men, but 1 see broken bodies. 1 saw a few dead and wounded when our convoy hit a mine. I was pulled deep into the eyes of the Vietnamese people. BUT TODAY, you want 10 see aerial bombardment, you turn on the sharp color images of the television. Then listen carefully, very carefully, 10 the survivors. What Tcan do is give you basic instruction on how to attack war criminals and their collaborators. THERE'S BEEN There’s been much timely analysis of the Gulf War and folks can contemplate it. This war used up more analysis than small arms ammunition. 37 On the plus side there is Noam Chomsky who knows how (o ciigage the enemy with his pen. Intellectual dynamite. The man's writing smokes. The point is, its heen said, underlined, underscored, wrung out, and said again. So, asks Philip Berrigan, (1 like this dude, bro) why the surprise and shock when a declining empire sinks its teeth into the Third World; when it bleeds humanity to salvage its own existence? We have a thousand books, social upheavals, wars, and revolutions that map out the imperial strategy. Not to ‘mention what’s been happening in our own suffering and dying communities. The Gulf War was preceded by the U.S. invasion of Panama. The continuing carnage in EI Salvador didn't stop because of transgressions in the Gulf. The priorities of imperialism still weave its web in Southern Africa. BERRIGAN GOES ON TO ASK - Who is responsible for this war? His answer - All of us. 1 tend to agree. Let's not begin by looking at the higher echelons of the military-industrial complex. Everyone who is criticizing begins with the obvious. Or Irag’s occupation of Kuwait. Again, highly culpable. Lets begin with the troops since “support the troops” without supporting the war is one of the biggest scams to come out of this conflict. As bogus as the yellow rain over Laos that the State Department tried to pass off as Soviet chemicals when in fuct it was the feces of bees. The "support the troops” scam began to develop a life of its own in the wake of a policy vote by those spineless spectacles in the U.S. congress. JUST TO BE CLEAR: 1 am sympathetic with GI's, as | am with vets, prisoners, workers, and all us poor folk who bear a considerable burden. After all, 1 share the experience. Working with these people has been the focus of my political activism. Having served in the U.S. Army (honorably discharged, thank you) and Viet Nam, I'm well aware of how economic conditions and enticing drumbeats can lead one to put on a uniform. 1 fully support efforts to organize Gls and to implement efforts such as your own community sanctuary. [Refers to a broad hased effort to make Madison, W1 a sanctuary for GI resisters to the Gulf War.] I thought it 100k a good deal of courage for Jeff Patterson 10 refuse to cross the line on the tarmac in Hawaii and then go on after jail and discharge to organize against the war. Note, however, the usual agenda is to ignore Gls outside of a major military conflict. After all, I share the experience . . . WHEN I LOOK at the Gulf War I see a complete waste of human life, civilian and soldier. Once again it's the working class being used 10 kill their own. Again, Third World people are treated as expendable. During the First World War, Big il Haywood said there was not a piece of capitalist property that was worth a laborer's life to defend. A far cry from being "all you can be” in Army green. My sympathy with 38 the soldier wanes when he picks up a rifle or other implement of destruction and proceeds to kill, maim, and destroy for god and country. UNQUALIFIED SUPPORT for soldiers is a bundwagon you won't see me on. They got me once but not again. In a recent Guardian picce, Earl Ofari Hutchinson makes an interesting observation: "Black troops in the Gulf should not be blamed for being there. They are victims, too. They are involuntary volunteers, poverty draftees who now have little choice but to follow orders.” In other articles I've seen more or less the same analysis applied to poor, working class, Latino, and women soldiers. Obviously, Hutchinson, et al were not at the My Lai Massacre. A massacre that can be said to be the legacy of the enslavement of Africans and decimation of Native Americans. The Amerikan predator. Calley and the others of the Americal Division (the cover-up went quite high) said they were just following orders. The sort of trench warfare where you shoot Shoot civilians and let “them drop in a ditch . . civilians and let them drop in a ditch. They, too, said they had little choice but to follow orders. There’s ALWAYS a choice other than following orders. The Nuremberg principals prohibit a defense based on "following orders” when charged with criminal acts committed during war. In fascist E! Salvador, Guatemala, Chile, South Africa, Indonesia, Israel and elsewhere, soldiers of death purport to be following orders. And from where are these soldiers recruited? Dig it - in the mother of all hombings, the pilots and bombardiers were just carrying out orders - in this instance, the nuclear destruction of Hiroshima and Nagasaki. CONSIDER THIS: the average age of the GI's in the Gulf was 26. In Viet Nam it was 20. Almost all have high school diplomas. They are volunteers, well trained, and part of the highest paid military in the world. If they step out to fight for god, guts, glory, and the improved GI bill, then they are responsible for their actions. They certainly will bask in the limelight as long as they have it which, if history continues to repeat itself, they miay not have for long. Whatéver part of the war machine you're oiling and operating, you bear some responsibility. Recognition of this is a prerequis towards disruption aind disengagement/resistance, from within and outside the military apparatus. 1 REMEMBER the Pentagon demonstrations from years back and the flowers placed in the muzzles of soldiers’ rifles. That's cool, there’s room for varied approaches to reach hearts and minds. | also remember the Student Nonviolent Coordinating Committee and Black Panther Party posters during the Viet Nam War Uncle Sam pointing -- "I want YOU, nigger”, “Receive valuable training in the skills of killing off other oppressed people”, "Die Nigger Die - You can't die fast enough in the ghettos.” Those who say that soldiers can’t help what they got themselves into have never had to look down the business end of an M16 or suffered the effects of bombardment and shelling. Remember the brothers’ testimony at Viet Nam Veterans Against the War "Winter Soldier” investigation? That was about exposing abuses and stopping a war, not ‘making excuses for participating in it. IRONIC, IS IT NOT, that political prisoners in Amerika are abandoned by much of the left that hold us dearly responsible for political/military activities they don't approve of. Yet now they support the divisions which drive the armada into the middle east ("support the troops, not the warl"). WHEN HAVE AMERICAN SOLDIERS protected the rights of workers or oppressed nations? On the contrary. From Detroit and Newark, to Managua (many times) and Grenada, as occupation forces and strikebreakers, soldiers have acted as thugs for Wall Street, to paraphrase marine Major General Smedley Butler. Offer them friendship and refuge, organize them if you can, encourage resistance, but in the final analysis you have to be prepared to bring some of them down. THIS IS NOT AN ACCUSATION of war crimes against individual soldiers and armies. A search for war criminals begins with the higher ranking officers, well- placed politicians, money makers, on down to the murderer hiding in uniform. However, with all the winning attributes being ascribed to the troops, I figure its also fess up time for GI Joe and Josephine. P'VE EXPERIENCED the law of gravity enough to know that shit rolls down hill. When you pull on the thread. as you peel back layers of insulation and follow the paper trail, you will come across greater degrees of responsibility and culpability, until all covered with shit is the war criminal and collaborators. ‘WHEN BOMBS AND MISSILES rained down on Iraq, killing and wounding thousands of civilians, this hardware bore the fingerprints of military 40 prints of the workers and technicians of the highest paid fingerprints are on the smoking gon. | mean personnel Tt al hare work firee i the warld. When 1 titerally and fguratively THE IMPERIALISTS then tefl the Tragis. after slaughtering their families, that they are to bidme ‘the pre niry for the deaths. How convenics Bush must e eating 10 many Twinkies. like the murderer of Harvey Milk, to proffer inal condier Problent is. people eat it up. Injustice 1 thie rohes of patriotism ) ient of their e L sorry-nssed défense of speeialiy conel when it wraps itselt FETOOK THE AMERICANS sind the Brits a month or so.10 drop more homin and explosives thin any equivalent time period in WWIL The bombing of-a awilian air saist shelter 1 Baghdad drew the most atiention, and distortion. Children were incinerated atong with theit mothers and clders. They were hit by one or two Gt 000 I8 bonehe imanafactured by Texas Instriments (when they aren’s making cateutiiion). 71 stealth” FI17. Prior o the bambihg, Defense (sic)Secretary Dick Cheney sind-Joint Chiefs chairman General Colin Powdii