Interviews with Georges Ibrahim Abdallah
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![bars i a very particular set of circumstances. Today, I am that same fighter who, again, just happens to be fighting in another set of circumstances. Having those dedicated comeades who kept me in the fight, made my life and my strugele behind bars casier. Ler’s alk abou e deails of yor case. e eported etensivelyonyour casein et years and on oterpliial prisoners. Wl us o) e imeln ofexens. You werein Ly vich an Algerian paspor o you. You walkino polie s, and hat’s when sy gz you and figreont Yo vere g under an assomed ety So, it was s by the Alrin goernment bt ander a difirens name 0 st yo. Triily theylock youp or that, b the they fid a wegpons e in Paris, Wale s though what Dpered. Twas asrested in Lyon and charged with criminal conspiracy. French courts which sentenced me to several years in prison. A deal was made with the French goverment, under which a French officil [Gilles Peyroles] was released from captivity [in Lebanon]. Normally, I should have been freed in exchange. France gave its word but went back on it. The Uited States joined the case as a civil party, ‘and from that point on it was more of less the US that dictated my fute. was tried by the I coud st rewind, when you entered thepalice station (i Lyon) i was becanse the Mossad was Duniing you,riht? Regarding the details of the arrest, that whole episode dragged on for quite a bit. had been on the run for three days, before I got to the point where I decided to enter the police station [10 seck refuge] Ok, Bcan, 1 s vondering, ow it yonpck 1 ontefcyo wee g hunid? [The Mossad] had been hunting me since Milan. That pursuit asted from Milan all the way t0 Lyon. I tred severl things to try and theow them off my tea, but couldn’t in the end, and when al else filed I got arrested. Indeed, T had an Algerian passport. A seal passport, But unfortunately it didn’t do me much good, because the French knew my realidentity and arrested me. [ was chased [by the Mossad] from Milan to Geneva and from Geneva 10 Lyon. And for two days in Lyon I ried (0 shake them off but couldn’t. How did you know that you nere leing hunted? That must be teifing experiece. It wasn’tterriffing, 1 was just a fighter being pursued by an intelligence agency, one far more capable than that of the French or others. There were several [Mossad] “ georgesabdatsh](interviews-with-georges-ibrahim-abdallah 4.png)
![teams that were hot on my trail. And ultimately 1 got captured. It wasn’t some great feat. 1 tried 1o theow them off my trial but did’t succeed. My comades couldn’t intervene in time, so they arrested me. Do you reges walking into that police sation i order 1 shake them of? Since i led you down ths whole path, No, because at that moment T was probably about to get captured anyway. I was. supposed to go through the train station, and my comrades hadn’t showed up. And they were a few meters away from me. So rather than getting areested there, I made a Iastditch attempt using the passport. | made up some story [to the police] and told them that someone was trying to rob me. But it was already t00 lae by then. The ploy didu’t work out. My fate was sealed. Youlater dicoveed that yourfrse Lanyer, Jean-Pand Mazgrie, was a spy. Sometbing e laer rvealed in a book. Wer:you shocked? How s damase did be do? Wihat ki of information do you hink he passed oo the French inelfgene sevice? 1t the French justice system that should have been shocked. And yet that wasn’t the case. That alawyer is being paid off by the intelligence services. .. During the German occupation of France, even the Gestapo didn’t stoop that low. And then this country that lectures everyone about democracy and the separation of powers, etc. should find itslf directly implicated in a scandal ike this i apparently normal. Not one, not a single magistrate had anything to say about it. That’ the justice system for youin Wester imperialist countris. It goes without saying that other countries aren’t any better. When the interests of any imperialistsystem are a stake, the bousgeoisie always disregards their own laws. This isn’t something unique 10 the French. Al capitalist and imperiaiststates do this. Back inthe day, Maire [Jaques] Vens was quite famous, and consdered o of Frane’s best Laupers His rpwaason pedes i, He defended yo as vl Howere, there was apparendy someting e did’sdo afe the Mazgrier stying scadal. Should Veris have equested a reew of e criminal cnrt’’s ruling? Twas the one who refused. Maitre Vergés was a great lawyer, but he was a great Bghter as well. He was an exceptional militant of a calibre f greater than most alive today. And quite narurally, he accepted my decision, and he respected it Wy didyou insirut i not 1o ask for a e rn— s](interviews-with-georges-ibrahim-abdallah 5.png)
![Better to have this misconduct forever stin the French justice system than to overtum the proceedings. S0t vas a strateic moe. Quite naturally, quite narually. Tt would be better for the face of the capitalist and imperialist justice system to be unmasked by real-world examples. And it was. And yet ot a single magistrate had anything to say Ther nas o a seies of bombingsin France for whic the media ctmed you wer esponsile,yet the Fronch inelfgenesenies aersid hat yo actually had nolin t d with . o T manted 0 it 0y ity People all over the world try 10 take advantage of the struggle berween the French state, and the countries it tried to extort. There was a war [the Iran-Iraq war]. Natusally, T sided fully with those who resisted attempts by the French to coerce. certin states in our region. So, it wasn’tsimply the police that were scandalous. The police have always been a tool of the imperialist judiciary and thercfore imperialism itself Thar’s nothing new, and not the real scandal. What’s truly scandalous is the press who willingly spread whatever the police tel them. Make no mistake abouti. The media dida’t hesitate to spread the police’s propaganda [about me and FARL, which the judges had asked them to do. You have an entire global network of judges, police, and mediaall working together. And these media outlets only serve a specific class. The justice system is also designed 10 serve that specific clas. Aside from ‘making this or that person pay up, the point of the courts—which most people did’t even have access to until the 20th or 215t century—is 50 they can dole out lectures (0 everyone about morality. And as T said 10 the magistrate its always lovely 0 hear a prostitute talk about the virtues of virginity. Better once the client has their clothes back on, 1 however, wasn’t extended the courtesy, as I stood before this magisteate, who. couldn’t igure out why | wouldn’t defend myself. “Why won’t you defend yourself? The prosecutor is asking for at least ten years? That’s all you have to say? A statement in support of the Palestinian people, then you just tum your back and walk away?” 1 said, “Look, ’ here to defend the Palestinian cause, not 1o defend the justice system of your countey. That’s you job. And now you need o own it Including the fict that my lawyer tumed out 10 be secretly working for the intelligence serv had nothing 1o say? Even the Gemmans dida’t behave like that when they occupied your countey.” Ulimately, none of thisis out of the ordinary. Beneath the veneer, tis is what the justice system and the media really are in imperialist countries. OF course, that doesn’t mean that progressive media outlets can’t exist here and there. But ... “You . georgesabdatsh](interviews-with-georges-ibrahim-abdallah 6.png)
![‘masines, and the Italians 400 troops. So, you had 2,000 soldiers there to protect the camps, on condition that we, the militants and ighters, leave the camp. Of course, back then, we were all young, We protested and cursed at everyone. Butin the end, the leadership felt that France’s word, the word of two permanent ‘members of the United Nations Secusity Council could be trusted, that there was nothing to be worried about. After all this was France, the land of human rights, the: Resistance, and the separation of powers. “It would never bandon the camp!” And. yet we had barely pulled out of the camp when the soldiers began to clear the ‘minefield around the camp, meaning they removed the protective barriers we had put in place. And then they withdsew for four days, dusing which the massaces took place. Four days later,they retuned to “investigate the facts.” Their facts. Not one single soldier was prosecuted. Naturally, these French, American, and Ttalian soldiers were not some ragtag ‘miliia of vagabonds. They were given orders to withdraw which they followed and were then ordered to retum, which they did. One of the firstjoumalists to arsive in ‘Sabra and Chatila was Jacques-Marie Bourget who reported on the extent of the. slaughter. And he talks about the French officers i a lttle book, The Sabra and Chatla Massacre, and the discussions that took place. It i a stain on Feance. But above all,itis astain on the French justice system, which lectures others about terrorism. Meanwhile 4000 corpses or so—because they couldn’t all be counted— weren’t kiled by gunfire. They were kiled using knives, swords, and axes. Apparently, that wasn’t teorism to them. In fct, they even committed to never. prosecute anyone. Every year in France, we commemorate the massacre of Oradour- Sur-Glane. The Nazis bumed about 700 people in a church. Seven or cight children. ‘Sabra and Chatla had over 4,000 victims. Did none of them deserve an investigation into why the intemational force withdrew, then moved back into position? When you Took at these facts, for example, in 1982 there were around 32,000 casulties, attacked with cluster bombs in Beirut and clsewhere. The Isracls attacked Lebanon under the pretest of [Operation] “Peace in Galiee.” Those 32,000 casualties were caused by American weapons. They used Beirut and. Lebanon as a testing ground for their weapons. Cluster bombs and vacuum bombs were used for the fist time in the Middle East. Of course, none of this s terrorism according to the imperialists. And then [the United States] goes and joins the case against me in Pasis as acivil part. These aren’t people whose courts and judges can be taken sesiously. The only thing you can do s tuem your back to them. Let them go on pretending to be victins and spewing hatred against the struggling masses. And that’s what happened. Tahinkshat’s am excellon definiion of what constiutes terorism. Yo were accused of Riling hose v diplomats, s georgesabdatsh](interviews-with-georges-ibrahim-abdallah 8.png)
![Yes “The Liraels diplomat [Barsimanto] it taas o, was i fa, ..the head of Mossad operations in Europe. Right, bcause therjobs are usnaly a cover Yes, everyone knew [they were spies]. Even the prosecutors. And the American diplomat [Ray] was actually running CIA counterintelligence operations there. Those ‘men were officers. And they got taken out nice and clean. Not a single civilian was ‘harmed. Not even a hiccup. Because even revolutionaries can sometimes mess up. Nota single civilian was hanmed. IF justice had any meaning in France. .. This is why the prosecutor asked for less than nine years. Usually he would have asked for much ‘more. He asked for less than nine years, and yet I still got lfe. That tells you everything about this judicial arce. Tdon’ know i yon s this, a fov wecks ag i the United States, o Lirels diplomats were... ‘Yes. They were assassinated by Flias Rodrigues. By a militant who felt thatin the face of the genocide taking place in Gaza it is the duty of every revolutionary 0 cespond with the means at their disposal. He happened to have a pistol at his disposal, so he iced two Iseacli agents. In my opinion, it was necessary and the right thing to do. People’s reactions may vary from one country to another, but, generally speaking, the massacres taking place in Gaza require 4 reaction commensurate with the situation in ordes to prevent things from becoming any worse. Naturally, ke all revolutionasics, I’m against any opesations that might hurt the ‘masses. But when faced with the images coming out of Gaza of half-dead, starving children, when you see what the US, Isracl and the Zionist West are doing, you can’t stop people from reacting the way they do or expect them to ahways respond with ‘politencss and restraint. 1 you care about preventing violence, of preventing more impassioned reactions, then it up to the European and American revolutionaries in the West to do their duty. IV’s up 1o them, more than anone clse, 1o do what’s required. We have a genocide that’s been going on for over 200 days. For the fist ime in Itisa history, a genocide i being watched by millions of men and women every d scandal that we haven’tseen stronger reactions beyond the usual protests every week. Don’t get me wrong, the youth coming out and making their voices and their anger heard is huge. 1¢s invaluable and breathes new life into the Arab and global revolutionary movement. Nevertheless, when there is genocide, more i needed. We rn— s](interviews-with-georges-ibrahim-abdallah 9.png)
![hope for much more than that, Today in the West and in Europe we’re also seeing social democracy being chipped away at, which is reminiscent of certain periods in the last century. Today capitaism is in crisis. Tt has exhausted whatever pretenses of social democracy it had, We are standing on the edge of another world war for the third fime in century with Westem capital as the main catalyst. We all know that there’s only a couple of ways 10 prevent these wars. We need a revolutionary movement to prevent the masses in the. West and elsewhere from ending up as cannon fodder. Itis the duty of the proletasiar, especally in the West, o take action. Naturally, that doesn’t absolve these in the outer m Of the capitalist system of their own dutics in this struggle. They also have important work 1o do, And we hope 1o come through in a big w and the West Bank, one can’t help but admire their strength and steadfastness. Even afier 17 years of the siege on Gaza and all the destruction wrought on Gaza and the West Bank, the Resistance ives on. The Resistance is so impressive that it makes even the most seasoned revolutionaries blush, be they in Strasbourg, Vietnam, o elsewhere. You sec the fighters lterally climb on top of the tanks and plant bombs there with their bare hands. That takes guts. Those are the same fighters whose brothers, wives, children, and grandchildren ace all starving (0 death with the dicect compliity of Westen imperialist forces Itis our right to ask European revolutionaries to also sacefice for the cause and contrbute in ways that will make 4 real difference. With that said, we can’tignore the current rise of fascism in Europe. It s taking root right there, out in the open. And Dot just in France, Germany, Spin, etc. Itisn’tjust the AFD in Gesmany or Vox in Spain, or the National Front fin France], and so on. The rise of fascism isn’t just some naughty phease. ¢ 1F you ook at the Resistance in Gaza Yo v se it theso-called Gren and Liberal parties. Fascism is on the rise everywhere, and it’s getting worse by the day. Itis very real ‘and very dangerous and not just some naughty phrase. We’re talking about reactionary forces regrouping and organizing themselves. Hopefully, a force for humanity, that is o say, the anti-capitalist forces are up to the task of confronting this Iooming threat. To fight fascism, we nced 1o unite peaple of various political backgrounds and stugeles under one banner. Because the current model that we have under social democracy is only capable of responding to a handful of challenges, but ot much cle. Fascism today presents humanity with an almost insurmountable challenge. We. are on the eve of yet another world war for the third time in the span of a century. ‘This is capitalism. Capitalism today is nothing more than savagery. Nothing can come. [ —————](interviews-with-georges-ibrahim-abdallah 10.png)
![of capitalism except barbarism. We are at a critical juncture. Tt s up o every revolutionary to seize this moment and casey us forward into revolution. Only a cevolution can stop the forces of capitalism from wreaking havoc on a global scile. Hopefully, there s a movement already out there taking shape, one that people ‘can actually place theie fith in. This effort i the only thing deserving of all our hopes and prayess. Such a movement s the only thing that can prevent an explosion of fascis, reactionary violence on a global scale. In England, arond te same time that 1 s arestd snderte Terosin Ac, and this crackdown o the prss besan, v o had e amst and indicomentof seeral ativis from o grop calld Palesine Acion. 1 dow’ know ifyou™ fomilar with thom, but what they dois dinty saboge the vedpons fxtois What do yo think of s it Yes,itis very important and effective. I¢s also critcalin how it relates 10 the Global South. Every step forward one one side of the Mediterranean is 4 step forward on the other. We are all i this together. Fither we will be victorious together or we won’t be victorious atall. Allthese actions and demonstrations taking place in Europe, the reason they’re important isn’tjust because they undermine the ‘bousgeosie of your country. Their value s the extent 1o which they inspire others [0 do the same] on the other side of the Mediterranean. When Egyptians look at England and see hundreds of thousands of people demonstrating in solidasiy with Gaza, they cannot remain silent. It goes without saying the state repression there s different from what it i in England, France, or elsewhere. But the more momentum there i for this struggle, the more engaged it ‘makes revolutionaries everywhere, and the more effective it makes those in Egypt who are pushing for real change in the struggle against capitaism and impesialism. 1ts thanks 1o these protests and actions that we can mafure a5 a movement, just as much in the Arab world as in the West. In other words, irs much casier for the leaders of the struggle in England o take up their role, knowing that their comeades in the Arab world, are also doing their part in the anti-capitalist and anti-imperiaist movement and who take this capitalism crisis seriously. “This is a global crisis. Any movement whose aim is to protect the masses fom being tumed into cannon fodder is a movement that is fighting for both sides of the Meditesranean, for Europeans and Arabs alike. We have an Arab world that stretches from the Adantic to the Gulf. Change is coming at any moment now. All i akes is for a small spask to light a small wigin the feld for the whole field to catch fire. We. are closer today than ever before. Hopefully we see a united front. We need joint effort with people on both shores of the Mediterrancan working together. Only together will we emerge victorious. Only by working together will we we be able to establish a united front. rn— "](interviews-with-georges-ibrahim-abdallah 11.png)
![A convergence of struggles is mandatory. We owe it o history. A convergence of struggles s necessary (0 prevent was. Wag s no joke. War s a poison that threatens to desteoy the entire planet. The crisis we fice today is much worse than the one at the beginning of the 20rh century. There are new protagonists and actors involved. At the start of the 20th century, we didn’t have a climate criis. Today, however, our planet faces an existential threat because of capitalism. Naturall, those at the forefront of the struggle must take this into consideration. Capitalism today is nothing short of total barbarism, death and destruction on every level. Itis up to the leaders of the struggle 10 semember that and to work out a strategy 1o save us from this savagery s that whe you Landed i Beiru airpor,she st ting you did was o insuls, and righty 0, the passve governments ofthe Arab wordd, What message o you have for them, ifthere s anyehing lf wawsg? “The entire Arab bourgeoisie are directly involved in the genocide fin Gazal, every bit as much as the international bourgeoisie. They shall be swept away by the masses. and all those tching for change and social reform in the same manner as the bousgeoisie were dealt with dusing other moments in history. Our fte and the fate of the entire human race is at stake here. Hopefull, time is on our side. Of cousse, we shoulda’t forget that the number of victims is rising by the minute. Nevertheless, hopefully we will have enough time to get our act together as 1 social bloc. “The current [economic] system of reproduction and production, n the south of the Mediterranean, specifically in the Arab world,is incapable of providing the masses with basic subsistence. That means the collapse is near. So, hopefully we’ll be able to gt organized in time before the collapse happens, so that we don’t end up with the Same sesult asin 2011, In 2011 there was a seismic collapse. But we wee not up to the task of leading as a social bloc, and unable to build on that momentum, Sure, there were some gains, but uliimately we filed to transform that revolution [the Arab. Spring] into meaningful change that would have swept away all these crooks in power. Yes, el inde back 0 that opic soo. T want 10 ask: you from a personal point of riw as el as T may end p i prison soon myel. what Delped you sy strong i prison all thase years? P ot strong, | wasn’t strong, 1 was just a simple fighter who was fortunate to have the right men and women around me, who cnabled me to keep resisting and to. stay in the fight. Through them, T was able 1o be a fighter who just happened o be fighting in very specific conditions, eather than just a political prisoner. Being involved in the struggle in all these different capacities with it slogans, campaigning for this or that issue, whether for Palestine, for comeades imprisoned in Tutkey or elsewhere, or with the liberation movement in Kanaky or elsewhere, allows you to sl CREr———](interviews-with-georges-ibrahim-abdallah 12.png)
![‘participate i the struggle as a militant, justin a unique set of circumstances. ‘Today T am no longer in prison, therefore the conditions of the ight change once again. But T remain the same fighter. It doesn’t requie superpowers. Everything hinges on the ability of your comeades outside of prison to integrate your resstance into the broader struggle. Everything depends on it. Naturally, you can’t expect all your alles to have the exact same beliefs, o to come from a single, partisan bloc. I¥s through the convergence of struggles that these people find themselves together. Naturally, your fumily, friends, and comeades, will want 1o get you out of prison as quickly as possible. But it up to you as a fighter to put the cause first and not make concessions even if they scem trivia, things which you, as a militant, wouldn’t find that trivial anyway. Spending yearsin prison is hard, of cousse. There are many in that situation. I not easy 10 be locked up for years and o stand fiem in your principles sight up unti the moment you walk out the gate. 1 was asked, for example, to make concessions that might seem trivial to an outsider. But it wasn’t trvial. | semember this litdle gl from Al Badaw, a small cefugee camp in northem Lebanon, who wrote me a letter. A ltle gir who was about 7or 8 years old. She said to me, “Uncle, 1 was with my mom and dad this moming, and saw a poster of you on the wall. My pazents were drinking coffee and talking about you, and Tunderstood that they want you to say nice things about Istael. Just tell them that you like Israel very much so that they free you, and once you’re out we can insul them.” 1t a child’s logic, and it touches you deeply. But of course, that’s not an option, Some of the comeades, for example, told me, “Don’t make a big deal about the civil ‘partis to the case [the United States]. Just say a few words, a little something to show that you’re thinking of the family of this soldier o that civilian.” And you’re on the beink of freedom. Because you know if you say what they want you o say, you can walk ight out. And if you don’t,they’ll just keep you locked up. Naturall, giving in s ‘ot an option. Because what they call a “small gestue,”is no small gesture atal. To me, those acts of resistance were legifimate—today, tomorrow, and the day after. The whole reason they put me in prison, is precisely because I condone those acts of resistance. The imperialists act ike the Resistance is some kind of violation of their sovereignty, meanwhile they trample on the sovereignty of our people all day Tong and 10 one bats an eye. T said that dusing the tral, and 1 said it yestenday too. The comeades had put some money together for me. They said, “Let’s just be done with it $0 Georges can leave. The important thing i that he gets out. Once he’s out e can insult them as he pleases,” just ke that child sad. The prison authoritics came o me and said, “Here’s the money that was rased. How do you want to divide it up?” In other words, give this money to the Americans, to the families of the soldiers as ‘compensation. Naturally, I refused. T didn’t ask for this money. This money wasn’t rn— 5](interviews-with-georges-ibrahim-abdallah 13.png)
![AUl Americans,civilians and miliary alike, are implicated in the genocide in Gaza which is unfolding before the eyes of the word. T consider them, their Families, their Toved ones, their neighbors, and thei entice countey 10 be accomplices in the. genocide of our children. So 1 told them, do whatever you like with that money, it’s ot mine and T don’t wantit. A few days later, more money arrived. They came to me and tried the same act again. And I gave them the same answer as before. Although | ‘may have gotten a litle carried away, because I thought it was quite rude t0 ask that of me after 41 years in captiviy. Since the French and Americans felt T had disrespected them in some way, they went and told the president of the court. They said, “Look, he just won’t do it Finally, the president of the court goes, “I1s been 41 years, he hasa’t changed, and he’s never going to change. He’s old you the money isn’ his and he docsn’t want 1o dole it out.” By the way, I’m not allowed, leglly speaking, 1o even give that money away. This s the “performative justice” I spoke of earlcr. Under the law, I’m not allowed to collect money to compensate a civil pacty. But for the sake of making me capitulate, they made an exception. Under French law, I’m not allowed to raise money in order to pay compensation. According to the law, it forbidden. But to humiliate ‘me and make me grovel, they were willing to allow it. Once I declined to compensate the civil pasties, they lashed out by going (0 the Supreme Court They asked the Supreme Court o black my release before a binding judgment to. release me had even been made. They Court of Appeals sid [in February], “We wil discuss Me. Abdallah’s fate on the 19th of June.” And the public prosecutor, meaning the French goverment, goes to the Supreme Court and appeals against a decree that wasn’t even a judgement yet. How can you go to the Supreme Coust when there’s no final judgment to appeal against? Narurally, a few days later, they said the appeal was invalid, etc. And once the court ruled in fivor of me, they immediatel lodged another appeal. Meaning there’s sill an appeal today in France against my release. But I’m. hete now. 17 this performative justice that every militant needs to be avare of. Ifs got nothing 1o do with how nice or mean you are. Thats not what determines whether you get out of prison. The determining factor is how invested and active you are in the struggle. The more you play your past, the more the balance of power shifts in your favor. If the balance of power isn’t in your favor, you’re going to be stuck in prison. You need to be prepased to accept that. That is your role as a ighter. Nothing else. And once the balance of power inally shifts your way, the bousgeoisie will no Tonger be able to keep you locked up and will have no choice but o let you walk. And you come out with your principles infact. Walking out of prison stillstanding by your principles is a great victory. That’s ‘what happened. And T’m happy with the outcome, despite the time spent in prison. It wasn’t so bad. There are hundeds of thousands of people who go up in smoke and I and so on. [R—](interviews-with-georges-ibrahim-abdallah 14.png)
![could have easily been one of them. But I’m still here. To be frank, wase’t the balane of pover mon in your fvor oward he bgining when heyried 1o vt you throgh a bstase deal and withthe bombing campaiy, etc.2 So why di’sthasresul i you being feed? It was the pressure from the Americans. So s al te prssre youpusonthe Frenh, the Americans ecred cven more? It wasa’t only the US. The French govemment also felt that they could get away with leaving me in prison and go back on their word [in the hostage deal] because of their inteests in the region, because my name is Georges, etc. And because of how French claims to love Lebanon, and particularly people named Georges [ie. Christians]. It behaved just as one would expect. France is in very poor position 1o be doling out advice regarding our country’s resistance. Today, France, the US and. others are pushing the Lebanese government to disarm the Resistance. To dissolve and disarm the resistance. These are the same people who a few months ago honored [Missak] Manouchian. Manouchian was considered the figurehead of the so-called Affiche Rouge [FTP- MOT] by the “special section” of the Paris courts of the Vichy regime. The French basically resurrected this court in 2003 following the decision of the parole court in Pau o release me. The magisteate naively believed that he acualy had any power as a judge. As soon as he decided to release me, Dominque Perben [then Minister of Justice] came to put him in his place, to remind him that a judge’s place in this capitalist country i 10 do what you’te told. The order t0 release me was overtumed, effectively resurrecting the “special section” of Paris, because from that moment on, you hiad a magistrate doing the bidding of the Minister of the Interior in Pasis, who dictates to the courts what to do with political prisoners, dubbed “terrorists” or otherwise. This i the justice system. Not just i France, but in all capitalist countries. It s the duty of every revolutionary 0 6p its mask off. It goes without saying, prison s tough. Life in prison is extremely challenging. But a ighter doesn’t shy away from difficult things. He does what it takes o ulil his duty, especially if he is a communist. Wy didthe Americans want 1o keep you locked p i prison o bady? The Americans, like all imperialist powers, consider any affront against their interests, be they military personnel or otherwise.... Uliimately what they care about s ‘maintaining control of our country and the region. If getting rid of this or that person rn— s](interviews-with-georges-ibrahim-abdallah 15.png)
![helps, then theyll do it. Simply because they can? 1f they’re able to, they’ll imply do it. There’s nothing (o it. [France’s Minister of Security] Robert Pandraud made an offer to CIA Director Willam Casey. The CLA Diector came to Paris and told Pandraud, “1 you ever release Abdallah, we’llcut ties with France.” Pandraud replied, “Why don’t we release Abdallah and give you his ‘whereabouts in Beirut? You’re a poweful nation, just eliminate him.” Those are their true coloss. Theie behavior says it all. This is how theie justice system really functions. That’s the real ukeaway from my case and the only silver lining. “There was nothing heroic about it. ’m just a simple fighter who stays the course. and was fornunate 1o have comeades devored to the struggle who enabled him to keep ressting. With that said, peison is very difficult. A prisoner isn’tjust some piece of ‘meat. When you’ve got one ko of meat, you can just put it i the fridge, and you know it won’t go bad. A fighter, however,is not a piece of meat. He needs to remain in the fight as a part of the actual strugele taking place outside on the ground. “This is real struggle, not some illusion. When we talk about the sise of fascism, this i a real, ongoing phenomena. When we talk about the genocide in Gaza, we’re talking about a iteral ongoing genocide. Therefore, it all comes down 1o the abilty of your comeades 1o provide you all avenes to keep fighting [from inside prison] and remain a part of the struggle. And that’s what happened. It no different or any more heroic than any other comeade taking part n the struggle on the outside. Moreover, it this mechanism that will hift the balance of power in your favor. In the beginning, there were 200-300 people protesting for my release. Dusing the Iast demonsteation which took place in Pasis there were roughly 7,000, What did the ‘magistrate who ordered my release say? She said the main reason for my release was that “Georges Ibrahim Abdallah i prison is a fur greater threat to public order than Georges Tbeahim Abdallah outside of prison.” It up to the authonities to follow up on his activites outside prison. He’s no longer the justice system’s problem.” Meaning ivs now up to] the intelgence services. ‘The balance of power is the only thing that can get a militant out of prison, be. they Georges Abdallah or anyone else. When the judge sad, “He poses a greater threat to public order from inside prison,” she’s referring to all the people that have come together to protest for my freedom, which in turn strengthens the broader struggle. You’l recall that in France barely ten months ago wearing a keffiyeh was a crime. Carrying a Palestinian flag would get you prosecuted. Vet today there isn’t a single city in Feance or Europe that doesn’t have weekly protests fll of Palestinian flags, full of keffiyehs, the symbol of freedom. “This i the stuff that gets a militant out of prison. The campaign for their freedom B groryesabdali](interviews-with-georges-ibrahim-abdallah 16.png)
![serves as a bridge or vehicle o get people out n the strees and therefore for the broader strugele. And I must say ’m quite stisfied with the outcome. In my case, the police chief [of Hautes-Pyrénées] ried to ban the las protest, which was held outside the prison. However he coulda’t ban t directly, so he asked the mayor of Lunnemezan 10 do it,who replied, T won’t do it So he tried 10 do it himself. There was 2 whole adminiseative process that icked off, but he could’t ban it ultimately “This brings us back to the ssue ofthe ise of ascism. In France, the ise of fascism s characterized by a weakened centel government, which may sound weird atfrst, because fascism usually involves an authoriaria, centralized gosemment. But i this case the stae s falling apart. The sate has abdicaed it dutics toards the educational and healthsystems. Exerything is coumbling Tnstead, they stae s busy asking polce chiefs 1o suppress dissent among the people. T ey region in France, each polic chief has an entie police force t theie fngertips. Each municipality can also sanction—call it what you like—a milita o¢ ausilaey polce force. There’ also an increase in organized vigiantism and “neighborhood watches,” who keep tabs on who’s coming and going, “That guy had Tong hair and wasn’t very white-looking.” ec. Thisis al part of the rise of fscism. Naturally,the Left in Europe and in France need to beware and get theie act togerher in ondee to counter the growing thecat of fscism. As I sad at the beginning, the ise OFfscism i’ just some nasty phrase. It means heads are going 10 roll, and we and our comeades need to be weady 1o confront it Geryes, i a may move on 1o gespoltics. Wt wasyour reacion 0 the assassnations o [Hassan] Nasallah and (Tomael] Hampeh? Naseallah, and all the leaders of the Resistance, were tasgeted by the imperilist and Zionist forces, with the full complicity of all the Empire’ intelligence services, who provided their whereabouts. Naturally, Naseallah was not just the leader of the Resistance. He was an emblematic figure fully committed to the cause. Some may disagree with this or that issue, but no one can deny that he was the strategic ‘mastermind of the Resistance, an univaled figure. To leamn that he fel in battle, as a martyr, s naturally very painful, especi you’re in prison. But at the same time, i’s bitter-sweet. Because when the leaders of the Resistance are willing to put theie lives on the line and are martyred in batle, it invigorates and strengthens the entire Resistance. You can’t piss on the blood of ‘mastyss. Today more than ever the Resistance stands firm in its principles. A resistance whose leaders give their lives in barde will never make concessions in vain o piss away the blood of their matyrs. You realy have 10 be nuts,like some in my country’s government, to think that this Resistance, which has given its best people, is simply going to lay down its arms. rn— v](interviews-with-georges-ibrahim-abdallah 17.png)
![Ihave full confidence in the ability of the Resistance, which is the sol legitimate authority. When you ase under foreign military occupation, the legitimacy of the Resistance takes precedence over anything else. The Resistance protects the people’s very dignity and freedom. And only those involved in the struggle have the right to discuss what strategies the Resistance should adop, not those on the sidelines, who stand idly by while the enemy tries to crush the Resistance. The only reason these. traitors are allowed to run their mouths i by the grace of the Resistance. It s nothing. ahumanitarian gesture which some may even disagree with, as they probably don’t deserve it. Butin any case the Resistance is strong and will emerge even stronge. It i the more than a courtesy- Resistance more than anyone else that wants us to have a strong national acmy that protects us. It has a greater interest more than anyone in the struggle to want a strong. [Lebanese] state that respectsits countrymen and the citizens of this countey, regandless of religion or ethnicity, etc. The Resistance is the only way for us 1o prevent the Balkanization of the region. The region today is being carved up and divided. We all see what’s happening in Syria. The Americans, together with the Iseacls and other Arab reactionaries, are destroying everything that we’ve achieved historically. The state itselfis a construct that was won through hard-fought struggles Instead, they are working to decimate this state and all s institutions, turning the region into chaos where ethaic groups, religious minorites, and barbasians devour ach other while the Istaclis and Americans st back and decide which “human- animals” are worthy of theie protection today and which ones will be sacrificed. Thanks to the Resistance, Lebanon is well-defended and far more capable than our enemies had hoped. The Resistance will not allow them to divide and Balkanize us Lebanon and everyone in it will be victorious together. We all know that the only path 10 victory s together. The leaders of the Resistance are more qualified than anyone (0 bring everyone together under one tent, in order 1o unify the Lebanese people, strengthen their state, and build p theie army. ‘The Americans, French, and British keep telling us that they are Lebanon’s friends. They’re no friends of ouss. We say to them, “If you’re truly our frends, then provide the Lebanese army with weapons.” That’s all we ask. Let them give the Lebanese army the jets and ant-airceaft missile it needs and we’ll be grateful. We’re not asking them to abtain weapons for us from [North] Korea, China, Russia, or elsewhere. I you’re really Lebanon’s frends, then arm the Lebanese Armed Forces, so we have a ceal national army instead of militias. OF course, the bousgeoisie and theie political pawns are the enemies of ous ammy. They do not want us to have a national army. ‘They do not want us to have a nation state. They want a bunch of thugs and bandits running amund that they can use to bring our people to their knces. Our people will never recognize the Zionist entity. The Zionist entity is on its ast legs. Contrary to what they want you to believe, Iseael today is iving on borrowed CRr———](interviews-with-georges-ibrahim-abdallah 18.png)
![time. The West that created this state—because the Zionist entiy is nothing more than an organic extension of the imperialist West—there is’t a single [Western] govermment out there today that can defend Isracl i front of the masses. Not because any of them care about the Palestinians. On the contr 0 hursy up and kil as many Palestinians as possible as quickly as possible. But in front of the Buropean masses, they’re unable to porteay the entity as a beacon of human rights and democracy, etc. They try to spin it nowadays by saying, “It’s notall Iseacls, i’s just Netanyahu and a few bad apples.” Naturally, the European masses aren’t having any ofit. No one i fooled. In fact, they’re coming outin even greater ‘numbers. And our people are gratefil o them for their mobilization, because itis very dear 0 us i, they want the enity Georges,asyou know 1 am Englis throsgh my ather’s side and rom ey mother’s i, Syrian Christian, T was born in Sy Syria il when you were i priion and 1 know that you vere also & member of the Syian Socil Nationalst Party [SSNF]. What was your eation o the fll of Syt Looking back, is clear that there was a point when the Syrian hourgeoisic started 10 look after its own interests while destroying the people. Sur, the Syrian ‘bousgeoisie developed the countey in some ways, such as agrasian reform and by industrializing some parts of the country. They implemented some reforms in the health, education, and agricultural sectors, etc. They succeeded in establishing themselves as a state-bourgeoisie. However, once they normalized relations with the ‘global capitalis system, this state-bourgeoisie fellinto decline and became repressive. against the people. And we, the progressive forces, were unable to tum it around. Instead, the darkest and most reactionary forces in ous history took powes, with the diect support of Iseacl, the US, and other players who then tum around and pretend to condemn tesrorism, [President] Hollande and [Foreign Minister] Fabius told Al Nusea [Al Qaedal, “Great jobl” a they set off bombs in Damascus. When the Bataclan was attacked, they called i terrorism, and yet, today, the French were among the first 0 recognize this [Syrian] government. The Syrian people have a very long. history. And right now they are going through a difficult period. 1 have no doubt that progressive forces will emerge in Syria and rise to the challenge. OF course it won’t be. easy. There will be widespread destruction and many mastys. We in Lebanon have the means to fight back against such things, contrary to what the Americans and others think. We will not llow Lebanon to be Balkanized. The Resistance is strong enough o fight it. The various political fctions in the countey, from the communists 10 the socialists, Al-Mourabitoun, the Arab nationalists, and the Resistance [Hezbollah],etc. are capable of pushing back, and they will They are up to the task, and our countey will be victorious. Without a doubt. rn— "](interviews-with-georges-ibrahim-abdallah 19.png)
![Gaorges,you come o a Chrisia background, s do 1. Mary leakrs e he sl aint Zionisn alo o rom a Chitian background, ike Geors Habash, Ghasian Kanafan, Anton Saadeh, Bsiop Caps, Haan Asas, . who founed o eped s mary ani Zionit and antiimperiist paltca poets. W1y d youthink the West loses over them and. fes t s his s natonal tgge portrpin i instead as a relgios conft? “They dont just sce it as & religious war, they’re trying to provoke a religious war. 1¢s not by mistake. They know exactly what they’re doing and will g0 10 any lengths o destroy the fabric of our society. That’s why they look for sellouts from ou region 0 help them stir up religious hatred and provoke massacres that weaken our communitics. Becanse teyalveys s s “Jes 15 Mastins,” insead of sping s am i colnil sl 165 not about ews vs Muslims. Israelis’t a Jewish issue either. If you look at the United States today, roughly 30-35% of the Jewish youth are out protesting, wearing Keffiyehs, and saing that the Zionist enity is a greater enemy to Judaism than Palestinians. So, no, thisis not a religious conflct. Otherwise the Saudis and the Gulf would be at the Porefront of the struggle instead of being complict in the ongoing genocide in Gaza. This conflict is not sectarian. Isracl s an organic extension of the imperialist West. People need 1o have the courage to see the West for what tis. That it has a history of wiping out entire peoples. When we talk about Western imperialism, look at how North America became the United States, for example. The United States was built on the corpses of 20-25 million Native North Americans. When you look at so-called “Latin” America, or Central and South America, in what way are the Mayans and others “Latin"? The Latinization of South America, meaning the death and destruction of the native population, claimed the lives of millions of men and women, ‘This i the legacy and foundation of the imperialist West. When you look at Australia, Aboriginal Australians, the indigenous people of Australa, are the carth’s oldest continuing civilization. They were decimated. Today al thar’s lef are few tourist sites. “This is Westemn imperialism. Wester imperialism, however, did not succeed in out legion [in the Levant] despite a centuey of Zionists teying to colonize our land, which began in the period between the late-19th century and mid-20th century, and was fully supported by all the great powers of the imperiaist West. What happened The Palestinians semained. In 1949 the Palestinian population was barely 1 million. Despite a century of Zionist colonization, the Palestinian population today in historical Palestine i 7,300,000 and counting While the Iseachi settlers who’ve been pouring n for over a century number around 7,200,000, That means there are fewer Zionist settlrs than there are 2 gergesabdatah](interviews-with-georges-ibrahim-abdallah 20.png)
![Palestinian natives. On top of that you’ve got all the Palestinians in the diaspora and neighboring countries who were driven out of their homes in the Nakba. That means the Palestinians today number around 14 million in total. “Thisis a people who in spite of the permanent genocide waged against them have fought back, multiplied several imes over, and number around 14 million today. They have fuled in their attempts to erase the Palestinian people. With that said, Isracl should not be considered peaceful or harmless. Itis incapable of peace. Isracl has always been and still remains a fascist country. And it grows more fascist by the ds The global rise of fascism that we sce today is a natural extension of the imperialist West. You see this phenomena everywhere in the West. You’ve got the AFD in Germany, the National Front in France, Vox in Spain, and in Portugal s even worse. This is all happening out in the open. And when it comes to the Empirc’s outposts, their facist narure sticks out even more. You see itin the way the Iscacl treats native Palestinians as human animals and ‘openly describe them as such. Even the Navis didn’t go so far as to openly say it Even if they behaved the same way, they dida’t proudly announce it. Today, Israelis onis lat legs. It has nothing 1o Iose anymore. So it s hitting the Palestinians with all it cruelty and everything its got. But the Palestinian people are not alone. Just next door there ase 400 million Acabs who share the same food, the same prayess, the same wedding ceremonies, and the same history, etc. The Palestinian people will not be eliminated. The Palestinian people will be victorious. The Palestinian people and their struggle are the driving force behind the Arab revolution. Palestine isn’tjust an area of 27,00 square kilometers. Palestine i the driving force of the Arab revolution from the Aantic to the Gulf. Make no mistake, the Arab revolution will succeed thanks 1o the heroic resistance of the Palestinian people and others. Tovasin Fran, 1 el at the same sime tha you were eleased 1 isied the masan of he French Reistane. As you know 1 sy i e ke Jeon Moniin, Massik] Manouchian, e and this whle clare of e resistanc,as 1 belieeyo and mary oters i as vl Fiow i i hat te French recagnie ey were ander German xpation and wer: able 0 e iryocspation and o it . B when i cames o1 il aint Ziowim they e posiins? 1 don’t think they really changed. If you look at France today, those who support Palestine are no small minority. Take for example the stance of the French Communist Party or Le France Insoumise (LFT). That’s not insignificant. 1f you look at French Pasiament, Le France Insoumise have 80 MPs who stand fully with the Palestinians. Same with the communists, anarchists, Revolution Permanente (RP), and other groups. Obviously that’s not the case in the imperialist media, which is to be expected. They lie and obfuscate, that’s what they do. Ifs no conspiracy theory to say rn— 2](interviews-with-georges-ibrahim-abdallah 21.png)
JUSTIC
w @ ED;&@E
Richard Medhurst, “inside the Mind ofa Millant: An Exclusive Interview
with Georges Abdallab
hitpeyjyoutube/aglhFmicssk
‘Saman Abu Sharar (Paestine Chronicle, “No Heaven without Gaza': A
Palestine Chronicle Exclusive Interview with Lebanese Revolutionary
Georges Abdalla”
it/ /www: palestinechronicle.com/mo-heaven-without gaza-a-
pulestine-chronicle-exclusive-interview-witl-lebanese-revolutionary
georges-abdallah/
with whatever weapons at hand
2 grorges abdalt
Inside the Mind of a Miitant: An Fxclusive Interview with Georges Abdallih
September 13,2025
My mame i Richard Mecdbars. ' here i Lebanon vith Georges Abdallab, former prisoner,
intenatinal rroltionap, Lebanese Mari,
Georges, bow e youd And thank you for b 5.
“Thank you for being here. I'm doing wel,especially now that I'm free, after having
spent quite some fime behind bars. 'm i good physical shape. My countey i doing
well,and our Resistance s strong, s0 I'min good spiris as well
175 only been about tree wecks s you wee eleased
e
Yon have spent more time in prison than amyone e for your spor of Pelsie
1 years.
That makes you thelngest-sevin poiical prisoner in French and Esupean history. Before e dive
int the bl of your cas, bowareyou readjesting o ivlian (2 1 st be hard fer 41 years in
iy,
1spent time in prison as a miltant. T was surrounded by men and women dedicated
o the cause who allowed me to keep resisting, by making my resistance part o the
strugele against the genocide in Gaza. They gave me a permanent voice on the
outside, allowing me to speak about the struggles of various peoples and other
political prisoners. So, T wasn't just a prisoner. | was a fighter who was in prison.
Twas a militant campaigning and fighting but who just happened to be behind
rn— s
bars i a very particular set of circumstances. Today, I am that same fighter who,
again, just happens to be fighting in another set of circumstances. Having those
dedicated comeades who kept me in the fight, made my life and my strugele behind
bars casier.
Ler's alk abou e deails of yor case. e eported etensivelyonyour casein et years and on
oterpliial prisoners. Wl us o) e imeln ofexens. You werein Ly vich an Algerian
paspor o you. You walkino polie s, and hat's when sy gz you and figreont
Yo vere g under an assomed ety So, it was s by the Alrin goernment bt
ander a difirens name 0 st yo. Triily theylock youp or that, b the they fid a wegpons
e in Paris, Wale s though what Dpered.
Twas asrested in Lyon and charged with criminal conspiracy.
French courts which sentenced me to several years in prison. A deal was made with
the French goverment, under which a French officil [Gilles Peyroles] was released
from captivity [in Lebanon]. Normally, I should have been freed in exchange. France
gave its word but went back on it. The Uited States joined the case as a civil party,
‘and from that point on it was more of less the US that dictated my fute.
was tried by the
I coud st rewind, when you entered thepalice station (i Lyon) i was becanse the Mossad was
Duniing you,riht?
Regarding the details of the arrest, that whole episode dragged on for quite a bit.
had been on the run for three days, before I got to the point where I decided to enter
the police station [10 seck refuge]
Ok, Bcan, 1 s vondering, ow it yonpck 1 ontefcyo wee g hunid?
[The Mossad] had been hunting me since Milan. That pursuit asted from Milan all
the way t0 Lyon. I tred severl things to try and theow them off my tea, but couldn’t
in the end, and when al else filed I got arrested. Indeed, T had an Algerian passport.
A seal passport, But unfortunately it didn't do me much good, because the French
knew my realidentity and arrested me. [ was chased [by the Mossad] from Milan to
Geneva and from Geneva 10 Lyon. And for two days in Lyon I ried (0 shake them
off but couldn't.
How did you know that you nere leing hunted? That must be teifing experiece.
It wasn’tterriffing, 1 was just a fighter being pursued by an intelligence agency,
one far more capable than that of the French or others. There were several [Mossad]
“ georgesabdatsh
teams that were hot on my trail. And ultimately 1 got captured. It wasn't some great
feat. 1 tried 1o theow them off my trial but did't succeed. My comades couldn’t
intervene in time, so they arrested me.
Do you reges walking into that police sation i order 1 shake them of? Since i led you down ths
whole path,
No, because at that moment T was probably about to get captured anyway. I was.
supposed to go through the train station, and my comrades hadn't showed up. And
they were a few meters away from me. So rather than getting areested there, I made a
Iastditch attempt using the passport. | made up some story [to the police] and told
them that someone was trying to rob me. But it was already t00 lae by then. The ploy
didu’t work out. My fate was sealed.
Youlater dicoveed that yourfrse Lanyer, Jean-Pand Mazgrie, was a spy. Sometbing e laer
rvealed in a book. Wer:you shocked? How s damase did be do? Wihat ki of information do
you hink he passed oo the French inelfgene sevice?
1t the French justice system that should have been shocked. And yet that wasn't
the case. That alawyer is being paid off by the intelligence services. .. During the
German occupation of France, even the Gestapo didn't stoop that low. And then this
country that lectures everyone about democracy and the separation of powers, etc.
should find itslf directly implicated in a scandal ike this i apparently normal. Not
one, not a single magistrate had anything to say about it. That' the justice system for
youin Wester imperialist countris. It goes without saying that other countries aren’t
any better. When the interests of any imperialistsystem are a stake, the bousgeoisie
always disregards their own laws. This isn't something unique 10 the French. Al
capitalist and imperiaiststates do this.
Back inthe day, Maire [Jaques] Vens was quite famous, and consdered o of Frane’s best
Laupers His rpwaason pedes i, He defended yo as vl Howere, there was apparendy
someting e did'sdo afe the Mazgrier stying scadal. Should Veris have equested a reew of
e criminal cnrt'’s ruling?
Twas the one who refused. Maitre Vergés was a great lawyer, but he was a great
Bghter as well. He was an exceptional militant of a calibre f greater than most alive
today. And quite narurally, he accepted my decision, and he respected it
Wy didyou insirut i not 1o ask for a e
rn— s
Better to have this misconduct forever stin the French justice system than to
overtum the proceedings.
S0t vas a strateic moe.
Quite naturally, quite narually. Tt would be better for the face of the capitalist and
imperialist justice system to be unmasked by real-world examples. And it was. And yet
ot a single magistrate had anything to say
Ther nas o a seies of bombingsin France for whic the media ctmed you wer esponsile,yet
the Fronch inelfgenesenies aersid hat yo actually had nolin t d with . o T manted 0
it 0y ity
People all over the world try 10 take advantage of the struggle berween the French
state, and the countries it tried to extort. There was a war [the Iran-Iraq war].
Natusally, T sided fully with those who resisted attempts by the French to coerce.
certin states in our region. So, it wasn'tsimply the police that were scandalous. The
police have always been a tool of the imperialist judiciary and thercfore imperialism
itself Thar's nothing new, and not the real scandal. What's truly scandalous is the
press who willingly spread whatever the police tel them. Make no mistake abouti.
The media dida’t hesitate to spread the police’s propaganda [about me and FARL,
which the judges had asked them to do. You have an entire global network of judges,
police, and mediaall working together. And these media outlets only serve a specific
class. The justice system is also designed 10 serve that specific clas. Aside from
‘making this or that person pay up, the point of the courts—which most people did't
even have access to until the 20th or 215t century—is 50 they can dole out lectures (0
everyone about morality. And as T said 10 the magistrate its always lovely 0 hear a
prostitute talk about the virtues of virginity. Better once the client has their clothes
back on,
1 however, wasn't extended the courtesy, as I stood before this magisteate, who.
couldn’t igure out why | wouldn't defend myself. “Why won't you defend yourself?
The prosecutor is asking for at least ten years? That's all you have to say? A statement
in support of the Palestinian people, then you just tum your back and walk away?” 1
said, “Look, ' here to defend the Palestinian cause, not 1o defend the justice system
of your countey. That's you job. And now you need o own it Including the fict
that my lawyer tumed out 10 be secretly working for the intelligence serv
had nothing 1o say? Even the Gemmans dida’t behave like that when they occupied
your countey.” Ulimately, none of thisis out of the ordinary. Beneath the veneer, tis
is what the justice system and the media really are in imperialist countries. OF course,
that doesn't mean that progressive media outlets can't exist here and there. But
... “You
. georgesabdatsh
ulimae
s, most media outlts are the complete opposite, which is simply
ceprehensible. 1 was never actuall charged with terrorism. 1 was put before a special
trbunal for terrorism. There was no reclasification of the offense. That tells you.
everything you need 1o know about the justice system and its legal proceedings. These
procecdings ane a mockery of the legal system. Not justin my case, but with all
prominent figures in the struggle.
oty conl s on s Lbel o “eors”
Yet, when they asrested me, “terrorism” wasn't even u crime under the French
legal system. But when I went before the teibunal, it was a special court that they set
up just for that puspose. They didn't even attempt to reclasify the charge. In other.
words, the whole thing was a sham. The entire justice system i crooked.
Once again, T find your case incedible because i's ke enering anotber wrierse, et i's o iverse.
es, yes. French imperialist propaganda is very strong, Exverywhere they go, they
present themselves as champions of the sepaation of powess, democracy, etc. But
cealy, they're just ike any other county, given everything we know: the close
relationship berween the justice system and the police, the clas struggle
FHow would you define e word “terorin?
Terrorism, in my opinion, s state terrorism. Terrorism s the use of viokence
aguinst the masses. It s the use of violence agrinst these who try to expose the
underdying class strugele. Terrorism is the use of means and methods that put the
‘masses in danger. Any govemment that represses its own people as a matter of policy
is engaged in terrorism. I defended the actions of the Lebanese Armed Revolutionary
Faction [FARL, I considered it a great hono to have those operations attributed to
me, and I considered it a great honor to defend the legitimacy of those operations,
yesterday, today, tomorrow, and the day after.
FARL’s operations never targeted civilians o the generl public. There were some
criminals. They were hunted down. Then they were eliminated. This cannot be
described as terrorism. IF you look at Lebanon in 1982, thar's what terrorism is. When
we talk about tesrorism, we are talking about Sabea and Chatila. The Sabea and Chatila
‘massacres aren't somerhing that just happened on the sidelines. The French,
American, and Tralian imperialists know this. Mitterrand personally guaranteed the
security of Sabra and Chatila. Reagan personally guaranteed the secusity of Sabra and
Chatila, as did the Itaian government. The French sent 800 soldiers, the US 800
rn— 7
‘masines, and the Italians 400 troops. So, you had 2,000 soldiers there to protect the
camps, on condition that we, the militants and ighters, leave the camp.
Of course, back then, we were all young, We protested and cursed at everyone.
Butin the end, the leadership felt that France’s word, the word of two permanent
‘members of the United Nations Secusity Council could be trusted, that there was
nothing to be worried about. After all this was France, the land of human rights, the:
Resistance, and the separation of powers. “It would never bandon the camp!” And.
yet we had barely pulled out of the camp when the soldiers began to clear the
‘minefield around the camp, meaning they removed the protective barriers we had put
in place. And then they withdsew for four days, dusing which the massaces took
place. Four days later,they retuned to “investigate the facts.” Their facts. Not one
single soldier was prosecuted.
Naturally, these French, American, and Ttalian soldiers were not some ragtag
‘miliia of vagabonds. They were given orders to withdraw which they followed and
were then ordered to retum, which they did. One of the firstjoumalists to arsive in
‘Sabra and Chatila was Jacques-Marie Bourget who reported on the extent of the.
slaughter. And he talks about the French officers i a lttle book, The Sabra and
Chatla Massacre, and the discussions that took place. It i a stain on Feance. But
above all,itis astain on the French justice system, which lectures others about
terrorism. Meanwhile 4000 corpses or so—because they couldn't all be counted—
weren't kiled by gunfire. They were kiled using knives, swords, and axes.
Apparently, that wasn't teorism to them. In fct, they even committed to never.
prosecute anyone. Every year in France, we commemorate the massacre of Oradour-
Sur-Glane. The Nazis bumed about 700 people in a church. Seven or cight children.
‘Sabra and Chatla had over 4,000 victims. Did none of them deserve an investigation
into why the intemational force withdrew, then moved back into position? When you
Took at these facts, for example, in 1982 there were around 32,000 casulties, attacked
with cluster bombs in Beirut and clsewhere. The Isracls attacked Lebanon under the
pretest of [Operation] “Peace in Galiee.”
Those 32,000 casualties were caused by American weapons. They used Beirut and.
Lebanon as a testing ground for their weapons. Cluster bombs and vacuum bombs
were used for the fist time in the Middle East. Of course, none of this s terrorism
according to the imperialists. And then [the United States] goes and joins the case
against me in Pasis as acivil part. These aren't people whose courts and judges can
be taken sesiously. The only thing you can do s tuem your back to them. Let them go
on pretending to be victins and spewing hatred against the struggling masses. And
that's what happened.
Tahinkshat's am excellon definiion of what constiutes terorism. Yo were accused of Riling hose
v diplomats,
s georgesabdatsh
Yes
“The Liraels diplomat [Barsimanto] it taas o, was i fa,
..the head of Mossad operations in Europe.
Right, bcause therjobs are usnaly a cover
Yes, everyone knew [they were spies]. Even the prosecutors. And the American
diplomat [Ray] was actually running CIA counterintelligence operations there. Those
‘men were officers. And they got taken out nice and clean. Not a single civilian was
‘harmed. Not even a hiccup. Because even revolutionaries can sometimes mess up.
Nota single civilian was hanmed. IF justice had any meaning in France. .. This is why
the prosecutor asked for less than nine years. Usually he would have asked for much
‘more. He asked for less than nine years, and yet I still got lfe. That tells you
everything about this judicial arce.
Tdon' know i yon s this, a fov wecks ag i the United States, o Lirels diplomats were...
‘Yes. They were assassinated by Flias Rodrigues. By a militant who felt thatin the
face of the genocide taking place in Gaza it is the duty of every revolutionary 0
cespond with the means at their disposal. He happened to have a pistol at his
disposal, so he iced two Iseacli agents. In my opinion, it was necessary and the right
thing to do. People’s reactions may vary from one country to another, but, generally
speaking, the massacres taking place in Gaza require 4 reaction commensurate with
the situation in ordes to prevent things from becoming any worse.
Naturally, ke all revolutionasics, I'm against any opesations that might hurt the
‘masses. But when faced with the images coming out of Gaza of half-dead, starving
children, when you see what the US, Isracl and the Zionist West are doing, you can't
stop people from reacting the way they do or expect them to ahways respond with
‘politencss and restraint. 1 you care about preventing violence, of preventing more
impassioned reactions, then it up to the European and American revolutionaries in
the West to do their duty. IV's up 1o them, more than anone clse, 1o do what's
required.
We have a genocide that's been going on for over 200 days. For the fist ime in
Itisa
history, a genocide i being watched by millions of men and women every d
scandal that we haven'tseen stronger reactions beyond the usual protests every week.
Don't get me wrong, the youth coming out and making their voices and their anger
heard is huge. 1¢s invaluable and breathes new life into the Arab and global
revolutionary movement. Nevertheless, when there is genocide, more i needed. We
rn— s
hope for much more than that,
Today in the West and in Europe we're also seeing social democracy being
chipped away at, which is reminiscent of certain periods in the last century. Today
capitaism is in crisis. Tt has exhausted whatever pretenses of social democracy it had,
We are standing on the edge of another world war for the third fime in century with
Westem capital as the main catalyst. We all know that there’s only a couple of ways 10
prevent these wars. We need a revolutionary movement to prevent the masses in the.
West and elsewhere from ending up as cannon fodder. Itis the duty of the proletasiar,
especally in the West, o take action. Naturally, that doesn’t absolve these in the outer
m Of the capitalist system of their own dutics in this struggle. They also have
important work 1o do,
And we hope 1o come through in a big w
and the West Bank, one can't help but admire their strength and steadfastness. Even
afier 17 years of the siege on Gaza and all the destruction wrought on Gaza and the
West Bank, the Resistance ives on. The Resistance is so impressive that it makes even
the most seasoned revolutionaries blush, be they in Strasbourg, Vietnam, o
elsewhere. You sec the fighters lterally climb on top of the tanks and plant bombs
there with their bare hands. That takes guts. Those are the same fighters whose
brothers, wives, children, and grandchildren ace all starving (0 death with the dicect
compliity of Westen imperialist forces
Itis our right to ask European revolutionaries to also sacefice for the cause and
contrbute in ways that will make 4 real difference. With that said, we can’tignore the
current rise of fascism in Europe. It s taking root right there, out in the open. And
Dot just in France, Germany, Spin, etc. Itisn'tjust the AFD in Gesmany or Vox in
Spain, or the National Front fin France], and so on. The rise of fascism isn't just some
naughty phease.
¢ 1F you ook at the Resistance in Gaza
Yo v se it theso-called Gren and Liberal parties.
Fascism is on the rise everywhere, and it's getting worse by the day. Itis very real
‘and very dangerous and not just some naughty phrase. We're talking about
reactionary forces regrouping and organizing themselves. Hopefully, a force for
humanity, that is o say, the anti-capitalist forces are up to the task of confronting this
Iooming threat. To fight fascism, we nced 1o unite peaple of various political
backgrounds and stugeles under one banner. Because the current model that we have
under social democracy is only capable of responding to a handful of challenges, but
ot much cle.
Fascism today presents humanity with an almost insurmountable challenge. We.
are on the eve of yet another world war for the third time in the span of a century.
‘This is capitalism. Capitalism today is nothing more than savagery. Nothing can come.
[ —————
of capitalism except barbarism. We are at a critical juncture. Tt s up o every
revolutionary to seize this moment and casey us forward into revolution. Only a
cevolution can stop the forces of capitalism from wreaking havoc on a global scile.
Hopefully, there s a movement already out there taking shape, one that people
‘can actually place theie fith in. This effort i the only thing deserving of all our hopes
and prayess. Such a movement s the only thing that can prevent an explosion of
fascis, reactionary violence on a global scale.
In England, arond te same time that 1 s arestd snderte Terosin Ac, and this crackdown
o the prss besan, v o had e amst and indicomentof seeral ativis from o grop calld
Palesine Acion. 1 dow' know ifyou™ fomilar with thom, but what they dois dinty saboge the
vedpons fxtois What do yo think of s it
Yes,itis very important and effective. I¢s also critcalin how it relates 10 the
Global South. Every step forward one one side of the Mediterranean is 4 step forward
on the other. We are all i this together. Fither we will be victorious together or we
won't be victorious atall. Allthese actions and demonstrations taking place in
Europe, the reason they're important isn'tjust because they undermine the
‘bousgeosie of your country. Their value s the extent 1o which they inspire others [0
do the same] on the other side of the Mediterranean.
When Egyptians look at England and see hundreds of thousands of people
demonstrating in solidasiy with Gaza, they cannot remain silent. It goes without
saying the state repression there s different from what it i in England, France, or
elsewhere. But the more momentum there i for this struggle, the more engaged it
‘makes revolutionaries everywhere, and the more effective it makes those in Egypt
who are pushing for real change in the struggle against capitaism and impesialism. 1ts
thanks 1o these protests and actions that we can mafure a5 a movement, just as much
in the Arab world as in the West. In other words, irs much casier for the leaders of
the struggle in England o take up their role, knowing that their comeades in the Arab
world, are also doing their part in the anti-capitalist and anti-imperiaist movement
and who take this capitalism crisis seriously.
“This is a global crisis. Any movement whose aim is to protect the masses fom
being tumed into cannon fodder is a movement that is fighting for both sides of the
Meditesranean, for Europeans and Arabs alike. We have an Arab world that stretches
from the Adantic to the Gulf. Change is coming at any moment now. All i akes is
for a small spask to light a small wigin the feld for the whole field to catch fire. We.
are closer today than ever before. Hopefully we see a united front. We need joint
effort with people on both shores of the Mediterrancan working together. Only
together will we emerge victorious. Only by working together will we we be able to
establish a united front.
rn— "
A convergence of struggles is mandatory. We owe it o history. A convergence of
struggles s necessary (0 prevent was. Wag s no joke. War s a poison that threatens to
desteoy the entire planet. The crisis we fice today is much worse than the one at the
beginning of the 20rh century. There are new protagonists and actors involved. At the
start of the 20th century, we didn't have a climate criis. Today, however, our planet
faces an existential threat because of capitalism. Naturall, those at the forefront of
the struggle must take this into consideration. Capitalism today is nothing short of
total barbarism, death and destruction on every level. Itis up to the leaders of the
struggle 10 semember that and to work out a strategy 1o save us from this savagery
s that whe you Landed i Beiru airpor,she st ting you did was o insuls, and righty 0, the
passve governments ofthe Arab wordd, What message o you have for them, ifthere s anyehing lf
wawsg?
“The entire Arab bourgeoisie are directly involved in the genocide fin Gazal, every
bit as much as the international bourgeoisie. They shall be swept away by the masses.
and all those tching for change and social reform in the same manner as the
bousgeoisie were dealt with dusing other moments in history. Our fte and the fate of
the entire human race is at stake here. Hopefull, time is on our side. Of cousse, we
shoulda't forget that the number of victims is rising by the minute. Nevertheless,
hopefully we will have enough time to get our act together as 1 social bloc.
“The current [economic] system of reproduction and production, n the south of
the Mediterranean, specifically in the Arab world,is incapable of providing the masses
with basic subsistence. That means the collapse is near. So, hopefully we'll be able to
gt organized in time before the collapse happens, so that we don’t end up with the
Same sesult asin 2011, In 2011 there was a seismic collapse. But we wee not up to
the task of leading as a social bloc, and unable to build on that momentum, Sure,
there were some gains, but uliimately we filed to transform that revolution [the Arab.
Spring] into meaningful change that would have swept away all these crooks in power.
Yes, el inde back 0 that opic soo. T want 10 ask: you from a personal point of riw as el as T
may end p i prison soon myel. what Delped you sy strong i prison all thase years?
P ot strong, | wasn't strong, 1 was just a simple fighter who was fortunate to
have the right men and women around me, who cnabled me to keep resisting and to.
stay in the fight. Through them, T was able 1o be a fighter who just happened o be
fighting in very specific conditions, eather than just a political prisoner. Being
involved in the struggle in all these different capacities with it slogans, campaigning
for this or that issue, whether for Palestine, for comeades imprisoned in Tutkey or
elsewhere, or with the liberation movement in Kanaky or elsewhere, allows you to sl
CREr———
‘participate i the struggle as a militant, justin a unique set of circumstances.
‘Today T am no longer in prison, therefore the conditions of the ight change once
again. But T remain the same fighter. It doesn't requie superpowers. Everything
hinges on the ability of your comeades outside of prison to integrate your resstance
into the broader struggle. Everything depends on it. Naturally, you can't expect all
your alles to have the exact same beliefs, o to come from a single, partisan bloc. I¥s
through the convergence of struggles that these people find themselves together.
Naturally, your fumily, friends, and comeades, will want 1o get you out of prison as
quickly as possible. But it up to you as a fighter to put the cause first and not make
concessions even if they scem trivia, things which you, as a militant, wouldn't find
that trivial anyway. Spending yearsin prison is hard, of cousse. There are many in that
situation. I not easy 10 be locked up for years and o stand fiem in your principles
sight up unti the moment you walk out the gate.
1 was asked, for example, to make concessions that might seem trivial to an
outsider. But it wasn't trvial. | semember this litdle gl from Al Badaw, a small
cefugee camp in northem Lebanon, who wrote me a letter. A ltle gir who was about
7or 8 years old. She said to me, “Uncle, 1 was with my mom and dad this moming,
and saw a poster of you on the wall. My pazents were drinking coffee and talking
about you, and Tunderstood that they want you to say nice things about Istael. Just
tell them that you like Israel very much so that they free you, and once you're out we
can insul them.”
1t a child's logic, and it touches you deeply. But of course, that's not an option,
Some of the comeades, for example, told me, “Don’t make a big deal about the civil
‘partis to the case [the United States]. Just say a few words, a little something to show
that you're thinking of the family of this soldier o that civilian.” And you're on the
beink of freedom. Because you know if you say what they want you o say, you can
walk ight out. And if you don’t,they'll just keep you locked up. Naturall, giving in s
‘ot an option. Because what they call a “small gestue,”is no small gesture atal.
To me, those acts of resistance were legifimate—today, tomorrow, and the day
after. The whole reason they put me in prison, is precisely because I condone those
acts of resistance. The imperialists act ike the Resistance is some kind of violation of
their sovereignty, meanwhile they trample on the sovereignty of our people all day
Tong and 10 one bats an eye. T said that dusing the tral, and 1 said it yestenday too.
The comeades had put some money together for me. They said, “Let’s just be done
with it $0 Georges can leave. The important thing i that he gets out. Once he's out
e can insult them as he pleases,” just ke that child sad. The prison authoritics came
o me and said, “Here's the money that was rased. How do you want to divide it up?”
In other words, give this money to the Americans, to the families of the soldiers as
‘compensation. Naturally, I refused. T didn't ask for this money. This money wasn't
rn— 5
AUl Americans,civilians and miliary alike, are implicated in the genocide in Gaza
which is unfolding before the eyes of the word. T consider them, their Families, their
Toved ones, their neighbors, and thei entice countey 10 be accomplices in the.
genocide of our children. So 1 told them, do whatever you like with that money, it’s
ot mine and T don’t wantit. A few days later, more money arrived. They came to me
and tried the same act again. And I gave them the same answer as before. Although |
‘may have gotten a litle carried away, because I thought it was quite rude t0 ask that
of me after 41 years in captiviy. Since the French and Americans felt T had
disrespected them in some way, they went and told the president of the court. They
said, “Look, he just won't do it
Finally, the president of the court goes, “I1s been 41 years, he hasa't changed, and
he’s never going to change. He's old you the money isn' his and he docsn't want 1o
dole it out.” By the way, I'm not allowed, leglly speaking, 1o even give that money
away. This s the “performative justice” I spoke of earlcr. Under the law, I'm not
allowed to collect money to compensate a civil pacty. But for the sake of making me
capitulate, they made an exception. Under French law, I'm not allowed to raise money
in order to pay compensation. According to the law, it forbidden. But to humiliate
‘me and make me grovel, they were willing to allow it. Once I declined to compensate
the civil pasties, they lashed out by going (0 the Supreme Court
They asked the Supreme Court o black my release before a binding judgment to.
release me had even been made. They Court of Appeals sid [in February], “We wil
discuss Me. Abdallah’s fate on the 19th of June.” And the public prosecutor, meaning
the French goverment, goes to the Supreme Court and appeals against a decree that
wasn't even a judgement yet. How can you go to the Supreme Coust when there’s no
final judgment to appeal against? Narurally, a few days later, they said the appeal was
invalid, etc. And once the court ruled in fivor of me, they immediatel lodged another
appeal. Meaning there’s sill an appeal today in France against my release. But I'm.
hete now.
17 this performative justice that every militant needs to be avare of. Ifs got
nothing 1o do with how nice or mean you are. Thats not what determines whether
you get out of prison. The determining factor is how invested and active you are in
the struggle. The more you play your past, the more the balance of power shifts in
your favor. If the balance of power isn't in your favor, you're going to be stuck in
prison. You need to be prepased to accept that. That is your role as a ighter. Nothing
else. And once the balance of power inally shifts your way, the bousgeoisie will no
Tonger be able to keep you locked up and will have no choice but o let you walk. And
you come out with your principles infact.
Walking out of prison stillstanding by your principles is a great victory. That's
‘what happened. And T'm happy with the outcome, despite the time spent in prison. It
wasn't so bad. There are hundeds of thousands of people who go up in smoke and I
and so on.
[R—
could have easily been one of them. But I'm still here.
To be frank, wase't the balane of pover mon in your fvor oward he bgining when heyried 1o
vt you throgh a bstase deal and withthe bombing campaiy, etc.2 So why di'sthasresul i you
being feed?
It was the pressure from the Americans.
So s al te prssre youpusonthe Frenh, the Americans ecred cven more?
It wasa't only the US. The French govemment also felt that they could get away
with leaving me in prison and go back on their word [in the hostage deal] because of
their inteests in the region, because my name is Georges, etc. And because of how
French claims to love Lebanon, and particularly people named Georges [ie.
Christians]. It behaved just as one would expect. France is in very poor position 1o
be doling out advice regarding our country’s resistance. Today, France, the US and.
others are pushing the Lebanese government to disarm the Resistance. To dissolve
and disarm the resistance.
These are the same people who a few months ago honored [Missak] Manouchian.
Manouchian was considered the figurehead of the so-called Affiche Rouge [FTP-
MOT] by the “special section” of the Paris courts of the Vichy regime. The French
basically resurrected this court in 2003 following the decision of the parole court in
Pau o release me. The magisteate naively believed that he acualy had any power as a
judge. As soon as he decided to release me, Dominque Perben [then Minister of
Justice] came to put him in his place, to remind him that a judge’s place in this
capitalist country i 10 do what you'te told.
The order t0 release me was overtumed, effectively resurrecting the “special
section” of Paris, because from that moment on, you hiad a magistrate doing the
bidding of the Minister of the Interior in Pasis, who dictates to the courts what to do
with political prisoners, dubbed “terrorists” or otherwise. This i the justice system.
Not just i France, but in all capitalist countries. It s the duty of every revolutionary
0 6p its mask off. It goes without saying, prison s tough. Life in prison is extremely
challenging. But a ighter doesn’t shy away from difficult things. He does what it takes
o ulil his duty, especially if he is a communist.
Wy didthe Americans want 1o keep you locked p i prison o bady?
The Americans, like all imperialist powers, consider any affront against their
interests, be they military personnel or otherwise.... Uliimately what they care about s
‘maintaining control of our country and the region. If getting rid of this or that person
rn— s
helps, then theyll do it.
Simply because they can?
1f they're able to, they'll imply do it. There's nothing (o it. [France’s Minister of
Security] Robert Pandraud made an offer to CIA Director Willam Casey. The CLA
Diector came to Paris and told Pandraud, “1 you ever release Abdallah, we'llcut ties
with France.” Pandraud replied, “Why don't we release Abdallah and give you his
‘whereabouts in Beirut? You're a poweful nation, just eliminate him.” Those are their
true coloss. Theie behavior says it all. This is how theie justice system really functions.
That's the real ukeaway from my case and the only silver lining.
“There was nothing heroic about it. 'm just a simple fighter who stays the course.
and was fornunate 1o have comeades devored to the struggle who enabled him to keep
ressting. With that said, peison is very difficult. A prisoner isn'tjust some piece of
‘meat. When you've got one ko of meat, you can just put it i the fridge, and you
know it won't go bad. A fighter, however,is not a piece of meat. He needs to remain
in the fight as a part of the actual strugele taking place outside on the ground.
“This is real struggle, not some illusion. When we talk about the sise of fascism,
this i a real, ongoing phenomena. When we talk about the genocide in Gaza, we're
talking about a iteral ongoing genocide. Therefore, it all comes down 1o the abilty of
your comeades 1o provide you all avenes to keep fighting [from inside prison] and
remain a part of the struggle. And that's what happened. It no different or any more
heroic than any other comeade taking part n the struggle on the outside. Moreover,
it this mechanism that will hift the balance of power in your favor.
In the beginning, there were 200-300 people protesting for my release. Dusing the
Iast demonsteation which took place in Pasis there were roughly 7,000, What did the
‘magistrate who ordered my release say? She said the main reason for my release was
that “Georges Ibrahim Abdallah i prison is a fur greater threat to public order than
Georges Tbeahim Abdallah outside of prison.” It up to the authonities to follow up
on his activites outside prison. He's no longer the justice system’s problem.”
Meaning ivs now up to] the intelgence services.
‘The balance of power is the only thing that can get a militant out of prison, be.
they Georges Abdallah or anyone else. When the judge sad, “He poses a greater
threat to public order from inside prison,” she’s referring to all the people that have
come together to protest for my freedom, which in turn strengthens the broader
struggle. You'l recall that in France barely ten months ago wearing a keffiyeh was a
crime. Carrying a Palestinian flag would get you prosecuted. Vet today there isn't a
single city in Feance or Europe that doesn’t have weekly protests fll of Palestinian
flags, full of keffiyehs, the symbol of freedom.
“This i the stuff that gets a militant out of prison. The campaign for their freedom
B groryesabdali
serves as a bridge or vehicle o get people out n the strees and therefore for the
broader strugele. And I must say 'm quite stisfied with the outcome. In my case, the
police chief [of Hautes-Pyrénées] ried to ban the las protest, which was held outside
the prison. However he coulda’t ban t directly, so he asked the mayor of
Lunnemezan 10 do it,who replied, T won't do it So he tried 10 do it himself. There
was 2 whole adminiseative process that icked off, but he could't ban it ultimately
“This brings us back to the ssue ofthe ise of ascism. In France, the ise of
fascism s characterized by a weakened centel government, which may sound weird
atfrst, because fascism usually involves an authoriaria, centralized gosemment. But
i this case the stae s falling apart. The sate has abdicaed it dutics toards the
educational and healthsystems. Exerything is coumbling Tnstead, they stae s busy
asking polce chiefs 1o suppress dissent among the people.
T ey region in France, each polic chief has an entie police force t theie
fngertips. Each municipality can also sanction—call it what you like—a milita o¢
ausilaey polce force. There' also an increase in organized vigiantism and
“neighborhood watches,” who keep tabs on who's coming and going, “That guy had
Tong hair and wasn't very white-looking.” ec. Thisis al part of the rise of fscism.
Naturally,the Left in Europe and in France need to beware and get theie act togerher
in ondee to counter the growing thecat of fscism. As I sad at the beginning, the ise
OFfscism i’ just some nasty phrase. It means heads are going 10 roll, and we and
our comeades need to be weady 1o confront it
Geryes, i a may move on 1o gespoltics. Wt wasyour reacion 0 the assassnations o [Hassan]
Nasallah and (Tomael] Hampeh?
Naseallah, and all the leaders of the Resistance, were tasgeted by the imperilist
and Zionist forces, with the full complicity of all the Empire’ intelligence services,
who provided their whereabouts. Naturally, Naseallah was not just the leader of the
Resistance. He was an emblematic figure fully committed to the cause. Some may
disagree with this or that issue, but no one can deny that he was the strategic
‘mastermind of the Resistance, an univaled figure.
To leamn that he fel in battle, as a martyr, s naturally very painful, especi
you're in prison. But at the same time, i's bitter-sweet. Because when the leaders of
the Resistance are willing to put theie lives on the line and are martyred in batle, it
invigorates and strengthens the entire Resistance. You can't piss on the blood of
‘mastyss. Today more than ever the Resistance stands firm in its principles. A
resistance whose leaders give their lives in barde will never make concessions in vain
o piss away the blood of their matyrs. You realy have 10 be nuts,like some in my
country’s government, to think that this Resistance, which has given its best people, is
simply going to lay down its arms.
rn— v
Ihave full confidence in the ability of the Resistance, which is the sol legitimate
authority. When you ase under foreign military occupation, the legitimacy of the
Resistance takes precedence over anything else. The Resistance protects the people’s
very dignity and freedom. And only those involved in the struggle have the right to
discuss what strategies the Resistance should adop, not those on the sidelines, who
stand idly by while the enemy tries to crush the Resistance. The only reason these.
traitors are allowed to run their mouths i by the grace of the Resistance. It s nothing.
ahumanitarian gesture which some may even disagree with, as
they probably don't deserve it.
Butin any case the Resistance is strong and will emerge even stronge. It i the
more than a courtesy-
Resistance more than anyone else that wants us to have a strong national acmy that
protects us. It has a greater interest more than anyone in the struggle to want a strong.
[Lebanese] state that respectsits countrymen and the citizens of this countey,
regandless of religion or ethnicity, etc. The Resistance is the only way for us 1o
prevent the Balkanization of the region. The region today is being carved up and
divided. We all see what's happening in Syria. The Americans, together with the
Iseacls and other Arab reactionaries, are destroying everything that we've achieved
historically. The state itselfis a construct that was won through hard-fought struggles
Instead, they are working to decimate this state and all s institutions, turning the
region into chaos where ethaic groups, religious minorites, and barbasians devour
ach other while the Istaclis and Americans st back and decide which “human-
animals” are worthy of theie protection today and which ones will be sacrificed.
Thanks to the Resistance, Lebanon is well-defended and far more capable than our
enemies had hoped. The Resistance will not allow them to divide and Balkanize us
Lebanon and everyone in it will be victorious together. We all know that the only
path 10 victory s together. The leaders of the Resistance are more qualified than
anyone (0 bring everyone together under one tent, in order 1o unify the Lebanese
people, strengthen their state, and build p theie army.
‘The Americans, French, and British keep telling us that they are Lebanon’s friends.
They're no friends of ouss. We say to them, “If you're truly our frends, then provide
the Lebanese army with weapons.” That's all we ask. Let them give the Lebanese
army the jets and ant-airceaft missile it needs and we'll be grateful. We're not asking
them to abtain weapons for us from [North] Korea, China, Russia, or elsewhere. I
you're really Lebanon's frends, then arm the Lebanese Armed Forces, so we have a
ceal national army instead of militias. OF course, the bousgeoisie and theie political
pawns are the enemies of ous ammy. They do not want us to have a national army.
‘They do not want us to have a nation state. They want a bunch of thugs and bandits
running amund that they can use to bring our people to their knces.
Our people will never recognize the Zionist entity. The Zionist entity is on its ast
legs. Contrary to what they want you to believe, Iseael today is iving on borrowed
CRr———
time. The West that created this state—because the Zionist entiy is nothing more
than an organic extension of the imperialist West—there is't a single [Western]
govermment out there today that can defend Isracl i front of the masses. Not
because any of them care about the Palestinians. On the contr
0 hursy up and kil as many Palestinians as possible as quickly as possible. But in
front of the Buropean masses, they're unable to porteay the entity as a beacon of
human rights and democracy, etc. They try to spin it nowadays by saying, “It's notall
Iseacls, i's just Netanyahu and a few bad apples.” Naturally, the European masses
aren’t having any ofit. No one i fooled. In fact, they're coming outin even greater
‘numbers. And our people are gratefil o them for their mobilization, because itis
very dear 0 us
i, they want the enity
Georges,asyou know 1 am Englis throsgh my ather’s side and rom ey mother's i, Syrian
Christian, T was born in Sy Syria il when you were i priion and 1 know that you vere also &
member of the Syian Socil Nationalst Party [SSNF]. What was your eation o the fll of
Syt
Looking back, is clear that there was a point when the Syrian hourgeoisic started
10 look after its own interests while destroying the people. Sur, the Syrian
‘bousgeoisie developed the countey in some ways, such as agrasian reform and by
industrializing some parts of the country. They implemented some reforms in the
health, education, and agricultural sectors, etc. They succeeded in establishing
themselves as a state-bourgeoisie. However, once they normalized relations with the
‘global capitalis system, this state-bourgeoisie fellinto decline and became repressive.
against the people. And we, the progressive forces, were unable to tum it around.
Instead, the darkest and most reactionary forces in ous history took powes, with
the diect support of Iseacl, the US, and other players who then tum around and
pretend to condemn tesrorism, [President] Hollande and [Foreign Minister] Fabius
told Al Nusea [Al Qaedal, “Great jobl” a they set off bombs in Damascus. When the
Bataclan was attacked, they called i terrorism, and yet, today, the French were among
the first 0 recognize this [Syrian] government. The Syrian people have a very long.
history. And right now they are going through a difficult period. 1 have no doubt that
progressive forces will emerge in Syria and rise to the challenge. OF course it won't be.
easy. There will be widespread destruction and many mastys.
We in Lebanon have the means to fight back against such things, contrary to what
the Americans and others think. We will not llow Lebanon to be Balkanized. The
Resistance is strong enough o fight it. The various political fctions in the countey,
from the communists 10 the socialists, Al-Mourabitoun, the Arab nationalists, and the
Resistance [Hezbollah],etc. are capable of pushing back, and they will They are up to
the task, and our countey will be victorious. Without a doubt.
rn— "
Gaorges,you come o a Chrisia background, s do 1. Mary leakrs e he sl aint
Zionisn alo o rom a Chitian background, ike Geors Habash, Ghasian Kanafan,
Anton Saadeh, Bsiop Caps, Haan Asas, . who founed o eped s mary ani
Zionit and antiimperiist paltca poets. W1y d youthink the West loses over them and.
fes t s his s natonal tgge portrpin i instead as a relgios conft?
“They dont just sce it as & religious war, they're trying to provoke a religious war.
1¢s not by mistake. They know exactly what they're doing and will g0 10 any lengths
o destroy the fabric of our society. That's why they look for sellouts from ou region
0 help them stir up religious hatred and provoke massacres that weaken our
communitics.
Becanse teyalveys s s “Jes 15 Mastins,” insead of sping s am i colnil sl
165 not about ews vs Muslims. Israelis't a Jewish issue either. If you look at the
United States today, roughly 30-35% of the Jewish youth are out protesting, wearing
Keffiyehs, and saing that the Zionist enity is a greater enemy to Judaism than
Palestinians. So, no, thisis not a religious conflct. Otherwise the Saudis and the Gulf
would be at the Porefront of the struggle instead of being complict in the ongoing
genocide in Gaza. This conflict is not sectarian. Isracl s an organic extension of the
imperialist West.
People need 1o have the courage to see the West for what tis. That it has a history
of wiping out entire peoples. When we talk about Western imperialism, look at how
North America became the United States, for example. The United States was built
on the corpses of 20-25 million Native North Americans. When you look at so-called
“Latin” America, or Central and South America, in what way are the Mayans and
others “Latin"? The Latinization of South America, meaning the death and
destruction of the native population, claimed the lives of millions of men and women,
‘This i the legacy and foundation of the imperialist West. When you look at Australia,
Aboriginal Australians, the indigenous people of Australa, are the carth's oldest
continuing civilization. They were decimated. Today al thar's lef are few tourist sites.
“This is Westemn imperialism.
Wester imperialism, however, did not succeed in out legion [in the Levant]
despite a centuey of Zionists teying to colonize our land, which began in the period
between the late-19th century and mid-20th century, and was fully supported by all
the great powers of the imperiaist West. What happened The Palestinians semained.
In 1949 the Palestinian population was barely 1 million. Despite a century of Zionist
colonization, the Palestinian population today in historical Palestine i 7,300,000 and
counting While the Iseachi settlers who've been pouring n for over a century number
around 7,200,000, That means there are fewer Zionist settlrs than there are
2 gergesabdatah
Palestinian natives. On top of that you've got all the Palestinians in the diaspora and
neighboring countries who were driven out of their homes in the Nakba. That means
the Palestinians today number around 14 million in total.
“Thisis a people who in spite of the permanent genocide waged against them have
fought back, multiplied several imes over, and number around 14 million today. They
have fuled in their attempts to erase the Palestinian people. With that said, Isracl
should not be considered peaceful or harmless. Itis incapable of peace. Isracl has
always been and still remains a fascist country. And it grows more fascist by the ds
The global rise of fascism that we sce today is a natural extension of the imperialist
West. You see this phenomena everywhere in the West. You've got the AFD in
Germany, the National Front in France, Vox in Spain, and in Portugal s even worse.
This is all happening out in the open. And when it comes to the Empirc’s outposts,
their facist narure sticks out even more.
You see itin the way the Iscacl treats native Palestinians as human animals and
‘openly describe them as such. Even the Navis didn't go so far as to openly say it
Even if they behaved the same way, they dida’t proudly announce it. Today, Israelis
onis lat legs. It has nothing 1o Iose anymore. So it s hitting the Palestinians with all
it cruelty and everything its got. But the Palestinian people are not alone. Just next
door there ase 400 million Acabs who share the same food, the same prayess, the
same wedding ceremonies, and the same history, etc. The Palestinian people will not
be eliminated. The Palestinian people will be victorious. The Palestinian people and
their struggle are the driving force behind the Arab revolution. Palestine isn'tjust an
area of 27,00 square kilometers. Palestine i the driving force of the Arab revolution
from the Aantic to the Gulf. Make no mistake, the Arab revolution will succeed
thanks 1o the heroic resistance of the Palestinian people and others.
Tovasin Fran, 1 el at the same sime tha you were eleased 1 isied the masan of he
French Reistane. As you know 1 sy i e ke Jeon Moniin, Massik]
Manouchian, e and this whle clare of e resistanc,as 1 belieeyo and mary oters i as
vl Fiow i i hat te French recagnie ey were ander German xpation and wer: able 0
e iryocspation and o it . B when i cames o1 il aint Ziowim they
e posiins?
1 don't think they really changed. If you look at France today, those who support
Palestine are no small minority. Take for example the stance of the French
Communist Party or Le France Insoumise (LFT). That's not insignificant. 1f you look
at French Pasiament, Le France Insoumise have 80 MPs who stand fully with the
Palestinians. Same with the communists, anarchists, Revolution Permanente (RP), and
other groups. Obviously that’s not the case in the imperialist media, which is to be
expected. They lie and obfuscate, that's what they do. Ifs no conspiracy theory to say
rn— 2
that. The imperialist media are doing what they do, which i to justify the
unjustfiable.
Capitalism in this country can only bring death. Resistance in its vasious forms can
only fucl the momentum of revolution, whether in France or elsewhere. OF course,
this is no walk in the park. Capitalism s in crisis on a global scale. It i up t0 the
leaders of the struggle to unite peaple of various backgrounds and struggles under
one banner and use that momentum in order to lead the revolution to victory,
whether in Europe ot in the Arab world. An hopefully victory is near.
Georges what mesage would you gie to s geeration and fturegenrasonsofrevltinaris?
Firstly, T salute and commend the Furopean youth for sising to the occasion for
taking to the streets and standing irm in support of Palestine and against the
genocide in Gaza. This is the most important and potent political stance of our time.
Tsay t0 the youth of today, be careful. Fascism is on the rise. This is a very real
criminal undertaking that is happening in real time. You need to be ready, because i's
p 10 you to confront it. Do not waver. You can do this and you have the numbers
and the strength for it
Greetings 10 all the comeades and activists who helped make the Palestinian
liberation movement so bright and powerful. Palestine has never been more relevant
and important than it is today, and it is thanks 10 the youth who are out in the streets
allacross Europe.
Georges Abdallah, hanke you for your time and for eeiving me to ondct tisinernien.
Itis t0 you your comeades and your viewers that [ extend my heartfelt congraulations
and thanks,
2 gergesabdatah
i
“No Heaven without Gaza’: A Palestine Chronicle Exclusive Interview with Lebanese:
Revolutionary Georges Abdallah, by Samaa Abu Sharar
August 14,2025
“Prison Does Not Change Fighters'
We al know George Abdalah a an intenational acivist who dedicated bis i o just canses, most
notably the Palstinian cause and the iht against oloniali i al s forms. How wonld you
presentyourelf
Tam a fighter amongst our Arab fighters, a ighter of the Palestnian revoluion,
and a fighter of the Lebanese resistance against imperilist and Zionist oppression.
Our acivism stems from oue asessment that the Zionist entity is 1 organic
extension of Weste imperialism. We consider that this entity has currently reached
the final chapter of ifs existence, and, therefor, it will unleash all its barbaric and
murderous reserves on our people. The masses of our people must prepare for his
stage, keeping in mind that they will prevail over this entity
rn— P
W hat you s s completly i e wich o many peopeiew you: a a icon of et who
preens hecomet compass of o grat g, o there s o diference brveen bow Georges
Abdalah sees bimself and bow peolese i
Our people have great confidence in the Palestinian resistance, so any expression
of resstance i highly esteemed. Our people are prepared to provide a lot of support
and facilitate the struggle. What is happening in Gaza and the West Bank tod;
‘confirms this. As an ordinary ghter in the ranks of the resistance, historicall, [ see
that our people are steadfast. There are loopholes, as always happens in revolutions,
but this does not stop us. The masses in Gaza embace their emaciated children,
continue t0 resist, and refuse to caise the white flag, Thus, we can say that the
resistance is in great shape despite all the subjective and objective problems.
D prion changs you?
Prison does not change fighters. In reality, prison helps shape sound positions if
the required solidarity from resistance forces is available, and his is what happened
with me.
This means that Geons Abdallah, who was imprisoned 41 years o, came outofprson he same
man?
An older fighter, with more experience and more willingness to give.
How did yourelate 0 time wiile in prison?
In fact, time in prison for fighters and activiss s a framework within which fe’s
priosities are organized. IF the actvist has found solidarity—in other words, if he has
a group of people who make solidarity a practical expression within the daily struggle
of our nation’s masses—then the imprisoned actvistis simply a ghter doing what he
‘must under exceptional circumstances.
“Time becomes tight,as he doesn't have enough time to do whatever he deems
appropriate to support the struggle, whether in terms of reading, interventions, or
other things. This applied to me,
5o, time was tight foryou i prison?
Time was not suffcient to do what i required of ighters and activists. 1 did all |
‘could within my modest capabiltics.
% gergesabdatah
Yousaid i your inteniew it AL Mayadeen that your day i prison was vepy orgarized and that
you had a daily schedule tha involeed ruch eading of he il you recived. Wi whom did you
arrespond whileinprison?
With fighters and activists who were in prison or remained in prison, with my
family, and with friends. This is nommal, considering there were facilites that were.
sccured through the struggle of the masses in this country or that. In French prisons,
a telephone was made available to call whomever you wish, provided you gave the
‘number to the relevant authorities. Accordingly, you could contact anyone you
wished.
Books were provided by comeades, 50 you had ample opportunities for reading
and doing other things. However, it akes a ot of fime 1o read everything that needs
0 be read and to participate in the ongoing debate on these matters
W ereyou one of the people o made many phone call?
One of the people who did what he had to do.
Werethe phone calls more it frinds o fanily menbers?
“The family was cestainly within the cicle of communication. There is 2
continuum, 5o to spek, that extends from home to the arena of struggle. The
concerns of the homeland are an essential part of my life, so communication i
constant through family, friends, loved ones, and allother expressions of struggle
present in our country and abroad. T did not feel alenated in this regard.
Wereyou subjeced 10 ary poybologeal o plysical violaions while i privon?
T was subjected to everything fighters and activists are subjected to. T can say that
all the procedures didn’t constitute a problem for me. In other words, from
‘personal perspective, | wasn't subjected to any particular pressure, and from an
objective perspective, I had plenty of resources that were made available by my
numerous comrades.
There were a large number of comeades, and they alterated s0 they could all
come 1o see me in prison. Therefore, | never experienced the fecling of alicnation or
isolation. The solidasity movementis pat of the dally struggle; therefore, there was
0 personal anguish in that sense. There i a struggle with time. T wanted to use all of
this ime to enhance my readings and interventions for as long as possible. However,
there are imits to this time because of if’s priorities.
rn— z
What did you miss most wiile i prison,besdes feedom, of onrse?
In seality, T missed all aspects of ife and all s expressions.
Such as?
Everything s not easy to say what 1 missed most. iy, loved ones, the stars,
the trees, and the animals. You miss the comeades, you miss your discussions with
them; there is no set priority.
o conl g0 back in e, i there anything you vould have done diferenly inyour strgge?
Tam not currently engaging in self-criticism of my strugele. Throughout my
struggle, I have done everything I consider appropiate for the path of struggle.
Certainly, as with everyone els, there are successes and failures, and there s the.
possibil
However, overal, I am satisfied with my path of struggle. Despite its modesty, it is
acceptable as any other fighter or activist of our people within the framework of the
available popular base.
¢ 0 improve this or that,
“The Resistance is in Great Shape’
L' talk abous Palestine and Lebanon. Yo sid in more than o iteview that solidriy with
Georges Abdalla was equal 1, or part of, soldarity ith Palestine,
Solidasity with Georges Abdallah only takes on meaning when it fll within the
framework of the struggle against the war of genocide in Gaza. This is within the path
of struggle thar falls under the issues of solidarity, not ouside this framework o
‘parallel 1o it. Tt full within this framework, and T think it was very effective,
T your opévion, f i wern's o the A Agsa Flood” peration, would you be among 15 iody?
‘The “Al Agsa Flood” i a very important operation. However, my case does not fill
within this feamework without going into detals of the “Al Aqsa Flood” operation.
The “Al Aqsa Flood” operation is very good in tecms of s timing and effectiveness.
Although we may find a loophole here or there, we are not i a position o beat
ousselves up; we are in 4 position to evaluate the operation itself
“This operation came at the right time, i very appropriate, and has moved the
struggle forward, placing new responsibilities on the shoulders of those who carried it
out and lived it. 1 hope that the comades within the framework of the Pales
3 gergesabdatah
revolution will succeed in examining the national progeam of the Palestinian
cevolution. We know that there is a historical impasse facing the Palestinian national
program.
Certanly, the *Al Aqsa Flood” opesation has a role t0 play in clarifying some
aspects and correcting some deviations. However, without resolving the crisis of the
Palestinian national project, we will remain stuck and pay a heavy price. It s the
responsibiliy of all forces in the Palestinian arena to work on overcoming this crisis
because itis a crisis, not a matter of national or non-national unity. The crsis is
decper than that, and it s the responsibility of all active forces to do what they must
o deserve to be part of the Palestinian national kiberation movement.
Whatis s crisi?
The crisis affects all aspects of the entire Palestinian national project. Isracl i an
onganic extension of Westem imperialism. Iseael is not a colony or merely a
settlement. It is an organic extension of this imperialist West. Therefore, confronting
this imperialist West requires confronting the crisis of the imperiaist system in ts
capitalist form. Those who confront this organic extension must stand on a ground
hostle to capitalism.
‘Therefore, the leadership of the Palestinian bousgeoisie, inits various expressions
—Ilamic, nationalist, semi-nationalist, state-onented, et —fices a problem in this
regard. And the Palestinian left s in a very embarrassing situation, having so fae been
unable to build a national unity to confront this organic etension and falled 1o affiem
‘national unity. OF cousse, these are great responsibilites that fll on everyone's
shoulders.
Nevertheless, the resistance is in great shape. The masses of ou people continue
to confront the Zionist enemy with great and advanced effectivencss, although the
children of Gaza are emaciated and in dite need of a glass of milk. However, Gaza
will not aise the white flag, and thi is a very important issue. As for how we move
forward, that is a matter for the Palestinian leadership to determine.
Burww arekeen 1o ear what you bare 0 s i this egard!
Everyone i concemed, but the actual leaders of the Palestinian revolution know
best and are required 0 answer a number of questions. They are required to provide
an answer on the criss of this national project, the Oslo crisis, the criss of the
Palestinian Authority, the crisis of the division between Fatah and Hamas, the crisis
of the dispersion of Palestinian forces, the crisis of the retirement of entire
organizations that have been transformed into names without tiles, the crisis of the
‘mother of the Palestinian revolution, Fatah,
rn— »
Where is Fatah and whatis Fatah now? Where is Fatah and where is Hamas? What
are they both doing? The crisis is comples and has numerous aspects. The Palestinian
people have the intellectual, organizational, and resistance abilitis to address this
crisis, but a lot s required on alllevels. It is not acceptable that there are around
60,000 full-time fighters with the Palestinian Authority whose task s limited to
secusity coordination with Iseael. And when we speak of national unity, which
‘national unity are we talking about? A unity in which 60,000 fighters chase the
Fedayeen (freedom fighters-PC) and hand them over to Isracl, versus those who see
their children dying of hunger and are stl holding the flag) We allcertainly know the
dangers of a civil was, but the dilemma of the national project semains,
“The leaders of all Palestinian organizations agreed on something at the Beijing
conference, but what was its result? The result was the assassination of Ismail
Haniyeh. Why assassinate Haniyeh? Because he was part of the wing in Hamas who
called for unity. This does not mean that the Palestinian Authority welcomed the call.
‘This i the cisis of the national project. Those who bear the responsibilty are those
in Palestine and outside of Palestine; they are the resistance fighters in Gaza and the
West Bank, and even those who are part of the Palestinian Authority and inside the
Issacl prisons. Itis certunly a major cesis, but | am sure that the active members of
Palestinian society will be able 1o overcome it
“No Heaven without Gaza®
You spoke bl about the “Al Agsa Flood” operaion. Were you surprised when you frst eard
about 17
‘The “Al Aqsa Flood” operation surprised everyone, and that in itslfis an issue
and falls within the scope of the crisis of the national project. This certainly does not
undermine its value. “Al Aqsa Flood” maked a tuming point in the history of the
conflct with Iseael but it also imposes enormous responsibilties on everyone. The
enemy is well aware that it s now in the final chapter of ts existence;
of a militay setback. The “Al Aqsa Flood” operation s the first step in determining
the priorities of this inal chaper.
Everyone must rise to this responsibilty, especiall those in charge of the priorites
of the struggle in Palestine and outside Palestine. The Arab street also bears a
responsibilty, and those in change of the national project must ask the question: why
this abandonment on the part of the Arab strcet?
“The Palestinian leadership is no stranger o this abandonment. When Egypt and
the UAE are playing the roles of mediators, how can we expect the Egyptian masses
o apologize for not being at the forefront of the struggle? This is a tremendous criss
The value of the Palestinian revolution lies in it role as a lever of the Arab
s not a matter
ERr——
revolution. Itis the historical lever of the Arab revolution, but it is no longer playing.
its mle for several reasons. The Palestinian leadership must answer why it abandoned
this role.
1 see Qatar, which hosts the main base of American imperialism, as a mediator.
The question is: a mediator between whom and whom? 1 also sce Egypt, with a
‘population of 120 million Arabs, as a mediator. The same question applies. Egyptis
Al Azhar (considered the largest Islamic institution in the Arab World-PO), and Al
Ashar i not a tousst agency; it is a civilized institution that encompasses all the.
valles of this nation with people of different colors. Eighty million people consider
AL Ashar their (moral) authority. Where are the eighty million? Who is responsible for
their inaction? Al Azhar s the one responsible for them. What has it done, and what
i the role of the Palestinian revolution in this context?
It suffces that one of the eighty million, meaning one million, move toward Rafah
and peeform prayers there. They are not required to carey a gun and offer it to Hamas
or the Popular Front (for the Liberation of Palestine — a socialist organization-PC) o
any other faction; allthey have to do i offer a cup of water or a cup of milk 1o the
children of Gaza. Al Azhar is responsible for this inaction. It must know that s
‘prayers are not accepted if they are not held at the crossing to Gaza. It must ako be
known that there i no path to heaven for all beievers in Egypt because the children
of Palestine have occupied all the roads while they are ascending to heaven. Those
who wish t0 enter heaven must come to Gaza; otherwise, there is no heaven for
them.
Al Azhas, long with the Sheikhs of Palestine and the leaders of the Islamic
‘movements, know this all 100 wel. They are the ones to determine whether Egyptis a
‘mediator or a patner in this genocide. They also know whether Saudi Arabia and
Mohammad Bin Abdallah ase playing their role or not. The Kaaba of Mohammad Bin
Abdallah is not an antique vessel; it embodics everything this nation has. Where is it
in al this?
Do you agre ith those whosay that the Arab peaple are poweres, e by dators and gnts of
e L ntip?
‘This i uttedy unacceptable. The Arab regimes are not agents; they are actually
pasticipating in the ongoing genocide, and this i certainly not p for discussion. What
Tsee, however, is that not a single person in Egypt was killed in the street while
demonstrating, simply because they did not demonsteate. Where are they from young
Greta, who came allthe way from Sweden to raise a glass of water in solidasity with
Gaza Where are they from Rima Al Hassan, who came from Belgium and raised a
lass of milk in solidasity with Gaza?
Where are the sailors of Egypt? These activists came in a boat not even fit to carry
rn— 5
fish, and the sailors of Egypt watch like “monkeys.” Where i the Palestinian
revolution in all this? Beteayal is in the entire Arab world; a demonsteation in Yemen
orin other Arab citiesis not enough. Where is Jordan? Where are the masses of
Jordan? Where are the 60% of the people of Amman who are originally Palestinians?
Certainly, all this falls within the crsis of the national project, because these forces are
responsible for national action. The Palestinian national action cither works to elevate
Palestine as a revolutionary lever for the entire Arab nation o works to shield these
regimes.
Followig the atrces in G, many who were blieversin he resistance projec have sipped bing
0. What doyou say o that?
Tdon't see such people. I see parents in Gaza watching their children trembling as
skeletons and still raising the red flag, not the white flag. Gaza has not et raised the
white flag, and the masses of Gaza will not leave Gaza. There is no time to self-
fagellate or clim that morale has collapsed.
In Gaza, there are heroes. There are no people on this planet hke those in Gaza
‘Gaza has been hit three times more than what hit Hiroshima was. 17000 tons of
explosives in Gaza, while Dresden in Germany was hit with 5,000 tons. Gaza did not
surmender while Dresden fell. Today, there isn't a singl city in Europe that does not
aise the Palestinian keffiyeh, the symbol of frecdom.
The Palestinian revolution has historically never been as prominent on the global
Stage as it is now. The problem remains in our national project, in our national
leadership. The masses of the world, all over the planet, stand with Gaza, Do our
leaders really stand with Gaza? When 30 10 35 percent of the Jewish youth in America
e the Palestinian keffyeh and the Palestinian flag and declare that this Zionist
enity is the enemy of the Jewish people and of Palestine, what does this mean? It
‘means that the countdown to Iseacls existence has started. Where ace out leaders in
all this? 16 not enough for leaders to be martyred or chased after. They need to
pinpoint the energy of the masses and be able 1o invest in it. Again, this is not
happening because this s part of the crisis we spoke about.
Let us not forget that over 50 percent of the prisoners of the Palestnian
revolution in Tseacjals are from Fatah, but it i also Fatah that brokered the Oslo
Accords, and it i the one that caused the crisis of the national project. Nonetheless,
Fatah remains the mother of martyrs, the mother of the revolution, and the mother
of prisoners. Thisis the dilemma of the national project. How do we explin that over.
50 percent of Fatah members are in Tseacli captivity, while there are 60,000 Fatah
fighters who are mercenaries under the command of (PA President Mahmoud) Abbas
‘and others? This embodies the national project cris
‘These issues need to be addressed by the leadership of the Fatah movement. Itis a
32 gergesabdatah
ceality we must confront. How will they confront it? The forces that lead the
Dalestinian struggle everywhere must answer these questions. They should also
provide an answer regarding the status of our camps outside of Palestine and their
fate. The Palestinian revolution is a revolution of camps. The Palestinian people are a
people of camps. There are no Palestinian people without camps. Camps are the.
Dalestinian identity. Where are our camps today? What s Sabea and Shatila today?
What is the percentage of Palestinians inside the camp? What is their fature? The
celevant leaders must answer.
‘These places are semi-liberated in principle and are not places of secusty chaos as
we are old. They are semi-liberated because they bear all the charactesistcs of the
liberation of Palestine; they are not hubs that beas the characteristcs of prostitution,
drug smuggling, etc. Who bears the responsibility for the camps? Again, this is the
cisis Of the national project.
What ill te scon in Palestine be ike fer the genncide in Gaza?
“The genocide in Gaza wil not continue. The genocide will not succeed, and Gaza
and the West Bank will triumph as Iseacl witesses the last chapter of its existence,
and this s not a poetic speech.
You bave epeated s in more than one inenen.
Tam not the only one to repeatit. We have to understand that Iseacl has never
been through what it i currently going throughs thisis why it will use ts entire
barbaric stockpile on us. This wil tanslate into intensifying is kiling machine 1o the
‘maximum, el will throw all s unesploited barbarism at ou masses in the coming
days, weeks, and months. What are the leaders of the national project going to do in
light of this? How will those who planned the “Al Aqsa Flood” operation face this?
These are questions that require answers from all factions
When aleader like Yehya Sinwar fills as a martye and not a fugitve in a shelter in
Qatar or somewhere else, his resistance is bound to triumph. Our peoples resistance
will triumph. 1t wil tsiumph because of people like Sinwar and Haniyeh who neither
fled nor sought ‘peace’. These leaders and their resistance cannot be defeated. Our
people are aware of this and will not raise the white flag, neither in Gaza nor
anywhere else. Accordingly, the responsibility of the current leaders is immense to
find solutions for the national cisis. These solutions willinevitably come, although
we surely regret that they are delayed because the human cost is immense.
rn— 5
Resolving the Left-Islamic Dilemma
Couldthe Gy enocde kick-stars a worid revoltion?
Itis bound to happen, if not today, then tomorrow. The greatest responsibility
flls on the shoulders of the leaders of the revolution; they are the ones to anticipate
the next stage, not me.
How do you view the Isamiz rerolutions inthe Aral workd? Your approach sees o b diffrnt
Jrom many lfists. W have e impresion tht you view te s from an operaional perspective
ratherthan an ideologeal e, 1s his acouate?
We are not engaged in an ideological competition; we have Arab masses, the
‘majoriy of whom are Muslim. This i the organic makeup of our nation. This is not
an ideological choice. These people resist with whatever i at their disposal be it the
‘Quran, a scientific analysis, or a missile. Itis the responsibility of those in charge of
the struggle to determine what is at the disposal of the Arab masses.
When the Egyptian plays the mediator and the Qatasi hosts the biggest American
base, what message am I giving to the Arab masses? Do I expect that meeting with
Egyptian intelligence, so they can coordinate with Qatari and Amecican intelligence,
willfind me a way out of the revolution crisis or the national project crisis? I doubt t.
All these actions contribute to the impasse we find ourselves in, including the inaction
of the Arab masses.
Do you think ther can be a meting point esveen e et and the current Ilamic revoations?
Al lberation movements have established a national project within which all
Societal actors work. Wherever a revolution triumphs, it docs so through national
unity. But that unity s not that of one person meeting with another; it actually entails
the meeting of the entire popular bloc together to champion a project.
Let's ke Al Azhar again. As any Arab or activist connected to Palestine, I don't
view it in light of the relationship between Marxistideology and Islamic ideology, but
eather in view of its objective position within the framework of our people’s
‘movement. The same applis to Mecca. 1 don't look at i from an ideological
perspective but rather from it significance to Muskims around the world. What have
those in charge of the national project done with their ‘Qiblah’ to incite the masses of
the world to move toward Palestine? I don' say this because I'm a communist or
because 'm a believer; T say this as any person with the slightest connection 10 the
conflct who looks at this matter and says, this is simply inconceivable
3 gergesabdatah
Lebanon: Resisting vs Watching'
Moring 10 Lebanon, avy from slogans, bow o you se thesiuation there?
“The situation is delicate, but it i als0 good. The resistance has sacrificed the best
ofis leaders as martys.
Bu here s a dee division i he couny.
What we have in Lebanon is not different from any other countey in the world. In
all the resistance movements of the world, you will find people who willsacrifice
themselves in defense of their country and cowards who simply watch. In the entire
world, there isn't a country where the resistance enjoys the support of all the people.
Sectarian afiliation is another issue, but 1 ask: who is behind the project that defends
Lebanon’sidentity and dignity? The resistance. There is an occupation; thus, the.
resistance is the initia response. Outside of the resistance, there is no solution with
national character.
You can say all you want about his resistance—that it needs o represent all the
Lebanese people, or it needs 10 be this or that. Howeve, for you to have the sight to
speak, you must be on the side of the resistance, not the occupation. If you are on the
side of the occupation, then you have no right 10 speak or even exist. When your
countey is under occupation, whoever stands with the enemy;, regardless of theie
status or justifications, has no sight 1o even exist,
So, what do vedo with these pele?
This i the responsibilty of the resistance and the resistance masses: 1o figure out
how 1o isolate the forces that cooperate with the enemy and open up to the masses of
these forces. T did not spend a lfetime in captivity, nor did the martyr who sacrificed
his life for the country, just to be labeled in the end as not representing the
sovereignty of this country. Those who defend the homeland are the sovereignty of
this country, not those who are ready to welcome Ismael
“To say that there is a contradiction berween the army and the resistance is wrong,
In my opinion, as with any resistance fighter, our duty is to build a very strong,
‘national army 1o eliminate the justification for the existence of any resistance. This s
our ambition. Our ambition is for a soldier to receive a decent salary—not twenty
dollass per month—to be able to support his or her family and defend the country.
“The leadership of the resistance should have the courage and clariy to open up to
everyone with all it capabilities to build a national state that isolates al those who fil
0 Rulfl theie responsibilty of sovereignty and defending the homeland for s all. A
rn— s
homeland in which we are all safe; otherwise, we will all lose, and no paty will
triumph over the other.
So, unilve build such am ), do you Delve hat he resistance shonld remain?
Certinly, what do we do otherwise? All over the worl, resistance is the first
response to any aggression. T hope we succeed at building a strong army able to
defend us and one tha replaces all resistance. But until this happens, do I remain
naked in the face of Israel? Do face Iseacl with a statement here and a statement
there? | want an army that considers Isracl the enemy.
Our soldiers ase honorable; ey ase not members of a mafia. They are from all
over Lebanon but they nced to be well-trained and equipped to be able to defend the
country and us. They tellus the US, France, and Britain are our fiends. Brillant, let
them provide our amy with weapons. But to come and tell me the US i our friend
while it comes and asks us to surrender our weapons and recognize Isracl, or
otherwvise Iseael will slap you—this s unacceptable. 1 will continue to resist with all
the means | have. The resistance should not have allowed itslf to welcome the
American envoy or anyone else. We, the people of this countey, should meet and
determine how 10 resist the enemy, not how (0 submit 10 the enemy. We mee o
determine how to confront, not how 10 nommalize.
Everyone s well aware of whatis required of Lebanon today. Lebanon s asked to
abandon its Arab identity, and paticularly 10 abandon the issue of Palestine, and live
in peace with the Zionist enemy. There wil be no coexistence with this enemy, not
today, not tomorrow, and not the d:
‘nommalization, the resistance will ight him. I a party stands with this normalization,
itwill also fight it 1€ sect stands with normalization, the resistance will also fight it
Whoever wants to gamble can do so, but normalization will not happen because our
people will not accept t, and ou people e a resistant people.
‘The existing resistance might have certain flaws, and we might have certain
reservations towards it. Go ahead and get me a better resistance. But to come and tell
‘me this resistance is not good and that you'll bring me an Iseacli soldier instead—then
Twillfight you and the Tseaeli soldier. It i as simple as that,despite the complexities
of the situation in Lebanon.
We have a model meters away from us in Damascus, where the resistance project
i being struck, and so is the state and society. They want Lebanon to tuen info sects
and tsibes! They want to strike the state and the army and tum us into fighting
militias, before America and Tseacl come to the rescue and tel each sect, “T will
protect you from the other”
Whatis being proposed in Lebanon is the same as what s happening in Syria. This
will be fought by our masses of the resistance. You want better resistance? Work on
¢ affer. If someone stands with this
36 gergesabdatah
buikding a better one. But to come and tell me that you have fo submit to Tseael for
the sake of the sovercignty of Lebanon—his is absurd. Sovereigaty is not a suif,
sovereignty is operational measures fo protect the country. Iseacl occupies part of the
Lebanese soil; what should 1 do? Some say you have to submit 10 it and you wil e
in peace. T tell them no, our people have historically offered millions of martyes and
have not and wil no accept an alliance with this entiy.
Finaly, do youfar o your 15
No, 1do ot fear angthing, Georges Abdallah is an ordinary ciizen like all others
and is not courageous, by the way
How do you spend your time nowadys?
As you can see, I spend it between interviews and welcoming friends. Later on, 1
want 10 visit the camps and see my fiends and find out the whereabouts of my
people
rn— Pl