hitps://blessed-is-the-flame.espivblogs.net/ » Counter-information project for the diffusion of black-flag anarchy blessedistheflame@riseup.net x Issue #4 — September 2025

BLESSED IS THE FLAME

FOR ANARCHY AND NIHILISM

JULY - AUGUST 2025
2 July, Florence, Italy: In the Mugello area, as
TOPICS

part of the local struggle against the

environmental destruction caused by wind
turbines, a group of about fifty hooded

Challenges of police investigations into anarchist direct individuals, some of them armed with knives,

actions (p. 2)o invaded the construction site of the Monte

A search for anarchist practices againt torture (p. 3) Giogo del Villore wind farm, expelled the

Useful information for anarchists of action from the lumberjacks and the engineers working there,

investigation files of Operation Diana (p. 4) seized chainsaws and caused significant

Responsibility claim with guide for action [arson attack on damage to the site’s equipment and

machinery of Holcim, Switzerland] (p. 7) infrastructure. That night another act of

. A . sabotage occurred on the premises, destroying

Chile: Black August and solidarity actions for comrades Aldo Sertain construction vehiclos that had beer, lohs

and Lucas (p. 7-9) temporarily unguarded.

Ménica Caballero Sepiilveda: «Political Violence» (p. 9)

Uprising in Indonesia and calls of solidarity and support (p.

9-10)

The authoritarian trap of identity logic (p. 11)

Greece: Summer news about the “Synergy of Vengeance”

case (p. 11-12)

Squat evacuations (p. 12-13)

About persecuted comrades from USA (p. 13-14)

Update and call for solidarity assembly for Alfredo Cospito

(p. 14-15)

Message to the climate movement (p. 15)

Why are we being led to the slaughter house like sheep? We

don’t (p. 16)

3 July, Bretonniéres, Switz
anonymous group claims respons
arson of quarry vehicles belonging to the
Holcim group that took place last week. The
action was carried out against environmental
pollution and the scandals involving that group.
The claim of responsibility contains details
about how the arson was carried out. The text
is on page 7.

Honour to the combative 5 July, Melbourne, Australia Arson of three
memory Of Snizana vehicles belonging to Lovitt Technologies.

& "[...] Lovitt was the first Australian producer
Paraskevaidou of components for Lockheed Martin’s F-35
fighter jets, proudly deployed in service to
colonialism and imperialism by America,
Israel, Australia, and the UK.

R I A T

Lovitt was targeted because it is a bottleneck
in the supply chain. This factory has the
Makino T1 milling machine to make precision
titanium and aluminum components. When it
was acquired this was the only machine of its
kind in so-called Australia, and only one of ten
in the world.

Fifteen suppliers to the F-35 supply chain
including Marand, Ferra, HTA, Levett AW
Bell, Quickstep and Varley all depend on
Lovitt, in addition to its subsidiary
Electromold. Lovitt is also a supplier to BAE
Systems, Isracli weapons company Elbit
Systems, and manufactures components for
Boeing’s F-15, F-18, the so-called Chinook
helicopters, and the Ghost Bat, an armed Al
powered drone. Every worker in this supply
chain is complicit. You have had years to
contemplate the consequences of your actions.
We will decide your fate, as you have decided
the fate of millions. [...]"

6 July, Bern, Switzerland: An anonymous
group attacked the cantonal Migration Service
headquarters in Bern with hammers and paint.
"[..] we made a gesture against racist
exclusion, the systematic criminalization and
marginalization of people, against the repeated
killings of migrants by the system, against the

THOSE WHO DECIDE TO REBEL AGAINST THE MISERY IMPLANTED |Gt "2 pone” of et
AT BIRTH KNOW ONLY TWO DESTINIES: PRISON AND DEATH, |5 " e

The Migration Service of Bern is one of the
pioneers when it comes (o making

Switzerland’s already racist and brutal asylum

¥ | practice even more racist and brutal. Seriously

1 ANARCHIST URBAN GUERILLA GROUP il peopl ae ok by force by he Migrtion
. BLACK VENGEANCE hosialzatons and vielendy epeled, which

repeatedly drives some of them to suicide. The
Migration Service continuously lures people

ANARCHIST SOLIDARITY / REVOLUTIONARY ACTION (Gt iacenton coners for th ppore o

expulsion. [..] White supremacy, colonial

structures, racism and criminalization aimed
at extreme capitalist overexploitation and
domination over people made superfluous by

‘4 i

capitalism are the ideological core and
purpose of migration policy in Europe,

in Switzerland and in Bern. [...]"

7 July, Leipzig, Germany: Autonomous groups
attacked the Leipzig Regional Court by pouring
asphalt into the entrances using fire
extinguishers, and by introducing butyric acid
inside the building through a hole they opened in
a window.
“[...] Not only is poverty punished and racism
practiced here at the court of first instance, day
after day, but their colleagues in Berlin also
authorized our comrade Maja to be abducted
and taken to Hungary. For this reason, we will
not leave you in peace until Maja is finally back
in Germany [...]"

8 July, Athens, Greece: An anonymous group
of anti-authoritarians ~disabled around ~ 200
Airbnb key safes at apartment building entrances
in the Exarchia neighborhood, against tourism
and gentrification.
"[...] Criticism of tourists is not baseless, it is
criticism of a kind of stupefying consumption,
where the mere fact that some people go on
vacation is enough to justify the complete lack
of political judgment ‘and sensitivity of those
people. The tourist mentality is the mentality of
having a good time; they come in good spirits to
relax_and spend their money against the
backdrop of the Acropolis. The more satisfied
they are with the scenery around them, the more
generous they are. [...]

Our evictions, a potential redevelopment of
Strefi Hill, the evictions of squats (Exostrefi,
AKN, Rasprava), the policing of the
neighbourhood and Strefi Hill and every kind of
gentrifying shitty shop are aspects of the same
problem: the violent change of character of our
neighbourhood aims at our displacement and
the political silencing of any culture that
opposes the consumption patterns of capital. We
resent tourists then because they move within
completely capitalist frameworks. They come to
have fun and consume, they do not bond
meaningfully with the place, they do not
participate in any struggle and in fact they help
to displace us. In perfect harmony with tourists
are the Airbnb owners who do the dirty work of
capital and, like cannibals, do not hesitate to
expel the neighborhoods people for quick profit.
Every new Airbnb means one fewer neighbor in
Exarchia [...]"

9 July, Athens, Greece: A group of anti-
authoritarians signing as "the watermelons of
rage” claims responsibility for a series of
vandalism acts that took place recently against
companies owned by or collaborating with
Isracli capital, causing material ~damage.
Specifically, they attacked two hotels with
Isracli interests, Hestia, a hotel with Isracli
interests Bob W., two Carrefour supermarkets
and a Re/max branch.
“[...] In a world where the far right gallops
internationally, poverty and inequalities
increase and militarism and war preparations
intensify, let us draw inspiration from the
mulifaceted struggle of the Palestinian people,
organize our resistances and go on the
counterattack, against their never-ending war,
for our war that will not start by itself [...]"

9 July, Philadelphia, Pennsylvania, USA: An
individual claims responsibility for disabling
three cameras. Different methods were used for
cach; on one the cable was cut with a cable
cutter, another was sprayed with paint, and on a
third its cable was cut and its solar panel
removed.

10 July, Wuppertal, Germany: Antifascists
attacked an office of the far-right AfD party with
hammers and paint, in solidarity with the
imprisoned antifascist Maja who was then on the
39th day of their hunger strike.

10 July, Santiago, Chile: The ‘illegalist
autonomous affinities for revenge” claim
responsibility for a raid-style attack with
Molotov ~ cocktails i~ solidarity with ~the
imprisoned anarchist comrades Aldo and Lucas
Herndndez, who are currently on trial for their
actions. The claim of responsibility is on page 9.

10 July, Oshkosh, Wisconsin, USA: An
unknown individual attacked Oshkosh Defense
with an incendiary device; the company

~Page2~

Challenges of police investigations into anarchist

direct actions

Let's say a few anarchists are planning an illegal, anonymous
direct action. For example, they want to paint a wall, or smash a
bank, or bun down a government building. The goals of the
police are to prevent actions like this from taking place and/or
identify and arrest the anarchists and gather enough evidence
for them to be convicted. What can the police o to achieve
these goals, depending on their motivation, their resources, the
type of action, and the way the anarchists organize? What
challenges will they face? And how can anarchists identify
these challenges as weaknesses in order to exploit them and act
without getting caught?

This text aims to contribute to answering these questions by
addressing some points that we think have been insufficiently
explored in anarchist literature in recent years.

Baseline surveillance

“The register constitutes our memory. Let it know what
you have collected. Notes kept in the desk drawer may
possibly have enriched your own knowledge, but not the
knowledge of the division. Make sure therefore that
information is registered! It is only then that you improve
the division's ability to answer the continuously recurring
questions: Who is this and what is known about them?”

— Extract from a 1953 directive of the Siikerhetspolisen
(Security Service), Sweden's main domestic intelligence
agency.

Even before the anarchists start planning the action, they may
already be under surveillance, especially if they express their
anarchist ideas in public settings or if they are suspected of
having carried out actions in the past. Maybe their names are on
a list of people “considered a threat to national security,” their
social media accounts are monitored, their DNA is in a
database, or informants or infiltrators attend their meetings.
‘This baseline surveillance is often carried out by intelligence
agencies tasked with collecting and analyzing information to
support the work of the police. The police have a long memory,
and the information they collect can be kept for decades.

A major challenge that intelligence agencies face is intelligence
fragmentation, which is when different agencies, or different
divisions within the same agency, have different information
about an issue and do not sufficiently share information with
each other, resulting in suboptimal analysis of the issue. The
primary cause of this fragmentation is secrecy: the need for
agencies to keep their work secret from the ftargets of
surveillance and from the public. To minimize the risk of leaks,
information sharing is deliberately restricted, including through
security clearances, compartmentalized divisions, and analysts
working on a need-to-know basis. For example, a local police
department may not know that an informant could provide
information on a local anarchist group because the national
agency employing the informant does not trust the local
department with this information. A secondary cause of
intelligence fragmentation is interagency competition. Agencies
may be reluctant to share information with each other because
of differing strategic or political objectives. For example, in the
United States the Central Intelligence Agency (CIA) prioritizes
long-term intelligence gathering, while the Federal Bureau of
Investigation (FBI) prioritizes short-term investigations leading
to_prosecutions. An agency may also be reluctant to share
information with another out of self-preservation: perhaps
budget cuts are coming, and sharing information would
undermine the agency’s ability to prove its worth to political
leaders and avoid layoffs.

Another challenge that intelligence agencies face is analyzing
large amounts of collected information. Machines are now very
good at performing a narrow set of tasks, such as matching a
DNA profile against millions of other profiles, or finding a
keyword in billions of digital files. But they are still inferior to
human cognitive abilities for many other tasks, such as solving
the complex, novel problems that often arise in police
investigations. As a result, intelligence agencies still need
humans to analyze much of the information they collect.

Intelligence agencies must therefore contend with the individual
limitations of the people they employ. Agency members are
limited by their intellectual abilities, habits, and knowledge, and
may have personal interests that do not align with the interests
of their agency. For example, during the 2010 FIFA World Cup,
in the United Kingdom, a researcher was accompanying a
police surveillance team conducting a physical surveillance
operation. While waiting for the target of surveillance to leave
their house, the researcher was paired in a car with a
surveillance operator who was more concerned with trying to

get a signal on his portable TV to watch the ongoing football
game than with the surveillance operation. In their notes, the
researcher wrote: “Vigilance is at an all-time low. We circle the
car park at a snail's pace trying to find the best signal. I've got
my arm out the window, trying to secure the antennae [of the
TV] to the roof.”

In some countries, the work of intelligence agencies is impacted
by widespread corruption within their ranks. Corrupt agency
members and police officers may take bribes, falsify evidence,
mishandle classified information for personal gain, or
selectively carry out their duties. They may prefer to work on
cases that can bring them a bribe or a promotion, and avoid
cases that require a lot of time and paperwork.

Investigating anarchist groups
“Anarchist groups — in line with their core ideology —
reject authority. This is reflected in their more horizontal
organisational structures, which usually lack a line of
command or leadership, relying instead on decentralised
clusters and individuals linked by ideological affinity and
solidarity.”

— European Union Terrorism Situation and Trend
Report, 2024.

‘The anarchists begin to plan the action. The sum of the peaple
who plan and carry out the action is what well call the
anarchist group. This group may already exist or may be
created for the occasion. It may cease to exist after the action, or
may persist and carry out more actions in the future. It may act
very spontaneously or with great preparation, or anything in
between. It may act alone or may be part of a coordination of
several groups working together. Such a coordination may be
very close, with participating groups planning and carrying out
actions together, or very loose, with participating groups simply
signing their respective action claims with the same acronym, or
anything in between.

‘The structural fluidity of anarchist groups and their operational
security practices make them relatively resistant to police
infiltration attempts. A 2005 study from the United States
highlighted the challenges of infiltrating anarchist groups:
“Infiltration into large affinity group meetings is relatively
simple. However, infiltration into radical revolutionary ‘cells' is
not. The very nature of the movements suspicion and
operational security enhancements makes infiltration difficult
and time consuming. Few agencies are able to commit to
operations that require years of up-front work just getting into a
“cell,"especially given shrinking budgets and increased demands
for attention to other issues. Infiltration is made more difficult
by the communal nature of the lifestyle (under constant
observation and scrutiny) and the extensive knowledge held by
many anarchists, which require a considerable amount of study
and time to acquire.”

The strong bonds of affinity and sometimes friendship that
typically bring together participants in anarchist groups make
them relatively resistant to police attempts to recruit group
members as informants. Despite this, we've seen anarchists
become informants in the hope of avoiding a prison sentence, or
for ideological reasons (e.g. their nonviolent stance leads them
to inform on anarchists who favor violent tactics), or under
threat of physical violence, or under actual physical violence, or
for money.

Some police and intelligence agencies are aware of what we've
described here and are adapting accordingly. A 2004 assessment
by the FBI's Counterterrorism Division noted: “By closely
scrutinizing potential informants and undercover agents, eco-
terrorists are more capable of thwarting successful law
enforcement penetration. Law enforcement officials should [...]
recognize that eco-terrorists closely study law enforcement
tactics, procedures, and policies. As a result, creative
undercover scenarios must be carefully planned |....].”

Unaddressed conflicts within anarchist groups create fault lines
that the police can exploit to destabilize the groups. For
example, unaddressed conflicts over the legitimacy of the use of
violence can be used by police to divide anarchists into two
opposing “sides” and facilitate their repression.

In some contexts, especially in urban areas of certain countries,
there are strong leftist, punk, anti-fascist or autonomist scenes.
‘The presence of these scenes can provide anarchists with social
connections and opportunities to share their ideas, and may help
protect them from police repression. A 2015 study from the
United Kingdom noted, regarding the challenges of gathering
intelligence on violent activist groups: “Further confusion and
complexity emerge when peaceful and well-meaning activists
consciously or unconsciously mingle with violent and dangerous
ones. This is particularly problematic when groups that claim to
be peaceful provide safe havens for activists prepared to carry out
more serious acts of criminal damage.”

After the action

“We do limit touch DNA. We do limit it to only violent
crimes. Rarely do we get results on touch. Sometimes we
do, but rarely. It's not as obviously going to be giving you
results as body clothes. But we will go that extra mile on
violent crimes. We just don't have the resources at this time
and we're trying to make it as efficient as possible when
we're doing our tests and using our resources and our
people’s time.”

— Excerpt from the transcript of a 2018 seminar held in
Florida, United States, by the Forensic Services department
of the Florida Department of Law Enforcement, attended by

police investigators who use their services.

‘The anarchists carried out the action. The police arrive on the
scene, and the investigation begins. In the coming hours, days,
months, and years, the police may use a wide range of
investigative techniques 1o identify the anarchists and gather
enough evidence for them to be convicted... or they may not
investigate at all, or anything in between. The motivation of the
police to investigate an action, and the human and material
resources they devote to it, are influenced by several factors.

‘Two factors that increase police motivation and resources are the
economic damage caused by the action (how much it cost in
destruction or theft) and its human damage (how much it hurt
human beings). In addition, the potential economic or human
damage of the action may be just as influential as its actual
economic or human damage. For example, an arson that caused
no damage because it used an incendiary device that failed to
ignite, but would have caused a lot of damage if the device hadn't
failed, may be investigated just as thoroughly as if the device
hadn't failed.

Another factor is the political context of the action. An action is
likely to be investigated more thoroughly if it targets a person,
company, or institution that is more favored by the State or the
police, such as an important politician, a large company, or the
police institution itself. The political context can evolve:
upcoming_elections can push the State to invest more in
repressing anarchists to make a show of strength, and a series of
actions against a company can push it to lobby the State to invest
more in repressing the actions that target it. For example, in
France in 2019, following a rise in militant actions against
industrial agriculure, the country's main industrial agriculure
lobby obtained the creation of a new police unit focused on
gathering intelligence on the issue.

Finally, the ability of the police to conduct a successful
investigation depends, of course, on the security measures taken
by the anarchists before, during, and after the action. Some police
agencies are aware that anarchists tend to take advanced security
measures, and for this reason may preemptively increase the
resources allocated (o an investigation of an action that is
suspected to have been carried out by anarchists. A 2018 study
from the United Kingdom noted: “[The] fact that [Domestic
Extremists] are so forensically aware justifies the use of
resources more in line with serious crime to improve detection
rates, for example, scene preservation to maximise evidential
recovery opportunities.”

If we compare the number of claimed and unclaimed direct
actions reported by anarchist websites and the media with the
number of arrests of anarchists, we can estimate that in most
contexts the vast majority of anarchist direct actions are never
successfully investigated.

Balancing repression and the respect for
“human rights”

“All human beings are born free and equal in dignity and
rights [....] No one shall be subjected to torture or to cruel,
inhuman or degrading treatment or punishment [....] All are
equal before the law and are entitled without any
discrimination to equal protection of the law [...] No one
shall be subjected to arbitrary arrest, detention or exile
[....] Everyone is entitled in full equality to a fair and public
hearing by an independent and impartial tribunal [...] No
one shall be subjected to arbitrary interference with his
privacy[...]”

— Universal Declaration of Human Rights, 1948.

Let's say the anarchists have unfortunately been identified by the
police, who must now choose how to repress them. This choice is
usually limited by the relative need of the State to respect
“human rights.” Countries have different approaches to
respecting “human rights,” depending on their internal political
situation, their geopolitical alliances, and other historical factors.

~ Zehida 3~

For example, for the same action, anarchists may be imprisoned
in Spain, tortured and imprisoned in Russia, or executed in Iran.

A State's relative respect for “human rights” can affect the
surveillance capabilities of its police. For example, automated
identification of wanted individuals using facial recognition on
public CCTV networks is widespread in China and Russia, but
not generally used in Western Europe (vet).

Police repression perceived as t0o harsh can lead to backlash.
‘There can be a media backlash in the form of negative reports by
local journalists, intergovernmental organizations such as the
United Nations, or non-governmental organizations such as
Amnesty International. The backlash can also take the form of
solidarity campaigns by other anarchists, which can include
direct actions. For example, in 2022 the Italian State decided to
transfer anarchist prisoner Alfredo Cospito to a harsher prison
regime. The decision led to a 180-day hunger strike by Cospito,
as well as an international solidarity campaign that included
attacks on Italian diplomatic offices in several countries. A 2024
study noted: “If anything, the Cospito affaire shows that the
heavy hand of the Ialian justice system contributed significantly
to escalating the situation. As always, a proportioned approach
that does not overemphasise a military response and that adheres
to democratic principles and the rule of law should be the
comerstone of every counterterrorism strategy.”

Final remarks

We have discussed some of the challenges the police face when
investigating anarchist direct actions. How can we identify these
challenges as weaknesses in order to exploit them and act without
getting caught? Here are some suggestions.

Expect the baseline surveillance conducted by intelligence
agencies to be partial, suboptimal, and sometimes not even in the
police’s best interest. They do not know everything about you.
They may know nothing about you. They are just humans with a
ot of power, money and tools.

Understand that the structural fluidity and strong bonds of your
groups provide important security benefits. Create decentralized
groups based on affinity and trust. Respect the need-to-know
principle.

Address conflicts within your groups before they can be
exploited by the police. Some conflicts are 0o deep to resolve:
allow groups to reform and split rather than force cohesion.

Identify when and how your relationships with other political
scenes can have a positive impact on your security. Your security
may require you to lie or hide your true intentions. Decide what
you are willing to do based on your principles, not those of the
State.

Assess the likely motivation and resources of the police to
investigate your actions, and take appropriate security measures
based on that assessment. Study past repressive operations.
Consider practicing with smaller actions before doing larger
ones. Before, during, and after an action, minimize leaving traces
that could lead back to you. Decide what risks you are willing to
take, and what possible consequences you would be able to live
with.

Consider that police activities are constrained by the relative need
of the State to respect “human rights.”

‘The police are not all-powerful. You can surprise them, you can
defeat them, you can slip past their nets. We wish you courage,
strength and luck.

Witten and published on 22 August 2025 by the No Trace
Project
https://www.notrace.how/blog/challenges/prokleseis.hm!

Under the Enemy’s Blade: A
Search for Anarchist Practices

Against Torture

‘This summer a new zine has been issued by the No Trace
Project, which is an important contribution to the debate on
how we anarchists can deal with state repression, and in
particular about one of the least discussed aspects of it; that of
torture. The zine is currently only available in English and you
can read it and download it from the following link:

hitps://www.notrace.how/resources/read/under-the-enemy-s-
blade.html

‘Those wishing to translate the zine, or any other text on the
No Trace website, can contact directly to them via the email
addre:

notrace@autistici.org

For encrypted communication, the PGP key can be found in
the following link:

specializes in the design and production of
military vehicles and weaponry. The fire caused
damage to the building but was extinguished by
an employee before it worsened.

11 July, Athens, Greece: Arson attack on a
vehicle of the German-owned AEG by a group
of anarchists in solidarity with Maja’s hunger
strike.

12 July, Athens, Greece: At the trial of
comrades accused of actions by the Synergy of
Vengeance and Armed Response, after the
prosecutor proposed charging five of the
accused with membership in a terrorist
organisation, some of the defendants attacked
the police officers trying to escape. For more
details see page 12.

13 July, Athens, Greece: Arson attack on a van
of the construction group AVAX by a group of
anarchists.

"[...] Countless squares have been wiped out
due to works for Metro Line 4, thereby altering
the character of neighbourhoods, removing the
main foci of socializing that had not been
touched by the onslaught of capital, which were
not flooded with shops dominated by a culture
of hyper-consumption and trivial amusements.
We do not, however, ignore the advantages of
this project, if it ever gets completed of
course... Ensuring fast transport for people
who are slowly dying and bending under the
weight of miserable routine centered on wage
slavery, alienation and the resulting superficial
social relations and, of course, consumerism.
AVAX also bears a share of responsibility in
transforming metropolises into vast deserts of
concrete, into open prisons with panoptic
surveillance systems that record and control
our every move in order to safequard the
interests of the economic elite. A glaring
example is the redevelopment of Elliniko, led by
the AVAX group, for which billions of euros
have been invested. Elliniko is being
transformed into a business center, into a
tourist resort destined for the wealthy
bourgeoisie, embodying the vision of “smart
cities", that is, the modern dystopia [...]"

13 July, Calgary, Canada: Pro-Palestine
actionists broke windows and set fire to a
Raytheon Technologies warehouse, one of
Israel’s main arms and technology suppliers.

14 July, Toulouse, France: Arson of four
vehicles of VINCI Energies for its participation
in the nuclear energy sector, mining, prison
construction and the arms market.
"[...] July 2025, VINCI Energies signed an
agreement to acquire Wiirtsila SAM Electronics
GmbH, a company based in Hamburg,
Germany. This acquisition through its brand
Actemium expands its involvement in- the
defense market in Germany, whose government
does not hide its militaristic drive. What
governments euphemistically call Defense is
above all their guarantee of staying in power,
and of industries flourishing.

We can also expect that, once everything has
been destroyed, it will be the same companies
that will be invited to the reconstruction
‘market: Bouygues, Eiffage and Vinci...

After hammering praise of green production
through the European Green New Deal
program, they want us to swallow the next
scam of militarist production with the "Rearm
Europe" agreements. These agreements impose
a defense strategy up to 2030, prioritizing all
defense budgets in Europe, frightened of losing
alliances and its place on the free market. Let us
try to veer away from the traced direction. [...J"

14 July, Bielefeld, Germany: Window-
smashing attack on the Bielefeld Public
Prosecutor’s building in solidarity with Maja’s
hunger strike.

14 July, Hungary: The imprisoned comrade
Maja ends their hunger strike.

16 July, Melbourne, Australia: An attack with
hammers and paint on the Toll Holdings
headquarters by an anonymous anti-
authoritarian group in support of Palestine. Toll
Holdings is a logistics and transport company

ships weapons for export to the USA and
supplies the Australian army.

18 July, Athens, Greece: The wial in the
"Synergy of Vengeance" case concludes, where
the anarchist comrade Andreas Floros was
unanimously found not guilty due to_doubts
about his membership in the organisation and
with no doubts as to every other charge. For
more details see page 12.

21 July, Leipzig, Germany: A group signing as
“Center for the Political Destruction of
Property” attacked a Sachsenforst branch in
solidarity with Maja. Sachsenforst is a state
company that played a key role in the eviction of
Heibo, a forest near Dresden that had been
occupied between 2021 and early 2023 to
prevent its deforestation and the excavation of a
gravel pit.

21 July, New York, USA: Jakhi Lodgson-
McCray, a wanted activist for Palestine,
surrenders to the authorities five weeks after the
arson of 10 New York Police Department
(NYPD) vehicles and one police trailer. His
statement before surrendering is on page 13.

22 July, Santiago, Chile: Hooded high-school
students from José Victorino Lastarria set up
barricades, clashed with police with Molotov
cocktails, distributed leaflets and hung banners
in solidarity with imprisoned comrades Aldo and
Lucas.

22 July, Philadelphia, Pennsylvania, USA: An
anonymous anti-authoritarian group spray-
painted the cameras installed in Malcolm X
Park.

“[...] We want the park to stay the kind of place
where people can meet and hang out without
being surveilled [...J. We're holding in our
hearts two people who have been accused of
attacking ICE and policing and who were
recently captured after being on the run, Jahki
and Benjamin Song.

Solidarity with everyone fighting ICE and
police!”

23 July, Hood River, Oregon, USA: A group of
anarchists burned an Insitu van, outside the
company’s offices.
[...] This fire was set because the growth of the
national security state poses an_existential
threat to all those who dream of a free world.
We act in total antagonism against those who

enable and profit from militarism, policing and
surveillance.

Insitu, a fully owned subsidiary of Boeing,
develops and manufactures drone technology for
military and law enforcement use. The Boeing
Insitu RQ-21 Blackjack and MQ-27 ScanEagle
surveillance drones have been integrated into
weapons systems operated by the US Navy and
Marine Corps. ScanEagle UAVs are actively
being utilized by the Saudi-led coalition forces
as part of their ongoing military intervention in
the Yemeni civil war.

In 2023 the Customs Border Protection agency
began conducting technology evaluations of the
Blackjack and ~ ScanEagle drones for
surveillance purposes at the US-Mexico border.
In 2011 Insitu introduced the Inceptor, a small
unmanned helicopter designed to fit in the trunk
of cop cars. This further demonstrates that
technology developed for military interventions
abroad will always be reconstituted for domestic
counter-insurgency and ~ repression through
policing and border enforcement.

As Israel continues its genocidal war against
the people of Gaza, we will not forget that
Boeing is among the largest manufacturers of
munitions and military equipment to the IDF,
including F-15 fighter jets and Apache attack
helicopters. Boeing is supplying Israel with the
weapons and _technology that make this
genocide possible. We did this action as a
modest gesture of solidarity with ongoing
Palestinian _ resistance to ~colonialism and
apartheid, from within and outside the occupied
territories, from the river to the sea.

For those who burn,

some anarchists.”

~Paged~

https://www.notrace.how/notrace.asc
Below are the preface and postface of the zine.

Torture — the deliberate infliction of severe pain or suffering
for punishment, interrogation or intimidation — is one of the
tools used by the State and its allies in their war against
anarchists. What individual and collective strategies can
anarchists implement to prepare for, resist, and fight back
against torture? This collection of texs aims to help answer this
question by sharing the experiences and insights of anarchists,
communists, and other militants who have been confronted with
torture in the past five decades.

Torture is one of the toughest challenges that our movements
can face. How to prepare for the risk of torture? How to
organize so that if a comrade is captured, tortured, and talks, the
risks to other comrades and to our activities are minimized?
Should we commit to not talk under torture? How to not talk
when faced with the most brutal physical and psychological
treatments? How to deal with comrades who have talked under
torture? How to fight back against torturers? How to help
survivors of torture manage their pain and traumas?

We have strived to select texts that can help comrades answer
these questions here and now, without relying on the
enforcement of international laws or the lobbying of
humanitarian NGOs. Each text is preceded by a short
introduction in which we present the author and the original
context of publication. Some of the texts include explicit
descriptions of acts of torture.

We would like to express our gratitude to the authors of the
texts, as well as to the translators who made their inclusion in
this collection possible.

[..]

In “The Unexpected Guest,” Alfredo Bonanno wrote that power
“comprises in itself the urgency that drives it to resort to
massacre and torture.” We believe this to be true. Military
dictatorships must routinely torture to ensure their self-
preservation. Democracies, if they do not routinely torture
already, will do so as soon as they feel sufficiently threatened.
Underground organizations are certainly not immune: nine
years after Nathan Gilbert Quimpo was tortured by the military
for his membership in the Communist Party of the Philippines,
the Party's armed wing reportedly tortured and killed at least 60
of its own sympathizers in a mass “purge.” We therefore
contend that the issue of torture is of concern to all who want to
abolish all institutions that perpetuate authority, and the power
they carry within them.

‘Then, what to do?

‘We suggest that a first step anarchists take against torture is to
carty out an assessment of the risks and modalities of torture in
their context, including of:

« The selection criteria for torture. Whether a person is
tortured after their arrest may depend on the crimes they are
suspected of having committed, on their political affiliation
or suspected political affiliation, or on their ethnicity,
nationality, gender identity or expression, sexual
orientation, religion, etc.

« The objective of torture. While all torture, to an extent,
serves to intimidate the victim and/or third parties, some
torture is genuinely carried out in the hope of extracting
information from the victim, while other torture purely aims
to terrorize.[1]

« The torture techniques. These can depend on the
instructions and habits of torturers, as well as on their
willingness or unwillingness to leave lasting marks of
torture on the victim and/or to kill the torture victim.

« ‘The length of torture. Torture may be limited to the moment
of arrest, or occur exclusively or mainly in the first hours or
days of detention, or occur for weeks, months or years.

Anarchists can then develop individual and collective strategies
based on this assessment, such as

+ An emphasis on security principles such as
compartmentalization and th need-to-know principle.
Comrades should know as little sensitive information as
possible so that they simply don't have much information to
give to torturers.

+ Communication protocols that allow learning as
quickly as possible when a comrade is arrested, in
order to take immediate steps to:

+ Protect the arrested comrade. In some contexts
where torture is limited to the first hours or days of
detention, putting pressure on authorities as soon as
possible after the arrest (e.g. by involving lawyers
or journalists) may help to stop the torture or limit
the severity of the acts of torture.

+ Protect the comrades who are still free, in case the
arrested comrade “talks.” This will depend on what
the arrested comrade knows, and can include
abandoning safe houses, discontinuing. projects,
entering clandestinity, etc.

« Preparing psychologically to resist torture. We are
unfortunately not able to recommend proven preparation
techniques, we can only hope that the insights shared in this
collection may help.

Then comes a difficult problem: how to deal with comrades
who have been tortured after their release, whether they admit
or deny having “talked” under torture, whether we believe them
or not. Dmitry Petrov writes that those who have talked “can
hardly remain our comrades and participants in the anarchist
movement.” Andrés Tzompaxtle Tecpile shows us that when the
stakes are high, not having talked may not be enough and your
comrades may not believe you. We do not have an answer, but
we would like to ask questions. Can we have nuanced
approaches? Can we conduct ethical evaluations on a case-by-
case basis, with the involvement of the torture victim, as
difficult as this may be? Can we give second chances? When
we are not sure what to believe, can we both suspend our trust
in a comrade and still accompany them, help them heal their
pain and trauma, even if they remain, temporarily or
permanently, excluded from our activities? Through torture, our
enemies seck (o destroy and isolate us. If we are able to ask
ourselves all these questions, won't it help us avoid this
destruction and this isolation, won't it bring us closer to the
downfall of our enemies?

In this collection’s preface we wrote that torture is a tool “used
by the State and its allies in their war against anarchists.” We
did not use the term “war” lightly, and it is in this framework
that we included in this collection texts that present the
assassination of torturers as a potentially useful and appropriate
response o this particular aspect of State violence. Again, we
do not have answers. We can only encourage comrades to use
their best judgment in all situations, and hope that this
collection may help get a clearer idea of the issues at hand.

We would like to share a few words from Haifa Zangana, an
Traqi writer, painter, and revolutionary activist, from a book in
which she recounts her experience of political repression,
torture, and exile:
“Is sadness the first and last resting place? Is it the
element that shatters dreams? Agony, stay away and let
people wander through the forests of their dreams. At the
end of the corridor stands a girl talking to the sun about
her fear of darkness, raising a finger, entreating each and
every one of us: Is it not time to restore to hope some of its
glory?”

— Haifa Zangana, Dreaming of Baghdad, 2009

Strength and courage to friends and comrades everywhere,
No Trace Project

[1] N.T.P. note: For example, the systematic torture in Diyarbakir
Prison in Turkey in the mid-1980s aimed to terrorize Kurds with the

Useful information for anarchists of action from
the investigation files of Operation Diana

In Italy, as part of the so-called Operation Diana, following an
extremely persistent effort by the police, the comrade and fugitive
Luca Dolce, also known as Stecco, was located, arrested and
ultimately in March 2025 sentenced to imprisonment for 3 years
and 6 months because he had forged documents for another
fugitive comrade, Juan.

The number of personnel and resources the police deployed to

locate him is truly impressive, and the investigation files of that
operation is a treasure trove for anarchists involved in direct
action and for anyone generally interested in understanding how
the police move to monitor and identify people. In this article we
provide a summary of the investigation files of Operation Diana
that was written by comrades and published in the Italian
counter-information outlet Il Rovescio.
In the files of Operation Diana the
documents relating, in whole or in part,
to several criminal proceedings are
recorded. One of these concerns a 270-
bis case against various comrades, as
well as people connected to the friend
and comrade Stecco.

‘What the State employed to arrest him is
rather impessive impressive. If we take
into account that Stecco, when he fled,
had a sentence of 3 years and 6 months to
serve, the disproportion between his
sentence and the police’s ~persistent
pursuit of him reveals how unbearable
the State finds the fact that one can
escape from its prisons; and how the
treatment reserved for anarchists has a
clearly selective character, although it is
part of a general repressive tendency.

Up-to-date knowledge of the techniques
used by the political police against
comrades often comes through reading
the police and judicial investigation files.
Therefore, it is important that the
information that emerges be shared.

Thus, it is always necessary to keep two
points in mind: first, that this is material
provided by the enemy; second, that the
disclosure (of course selective and
without mentioning names that appear in
the documents) of this material may
inadvertently produce the feeling of a
kind of omnipotence of the enemy, with
the corresponding feeling of paranoia and
lack of confidence in our means. It is
therefore important to remember that the
mobilization of personnel and resources
to search for fugitives is not the same as
that devoed to monitoring or
investigating other circumstances arising
within movements and struggles; that
despite advances in policing technology
some wanted comrades have enjoyed
freedom for months and years; that there
are comrades who remain missing in
Europe and worldwide.

Knowing how the opposing side operates
is necessary in order to adopt appropriate
measures, learning from mistakes and
using experience.

Let us start from some quantitative data
to give an idea of the extent of the police
intervention:

— Cameras in front of 6 residences.

~ Ambient audio interception in the home
of a person close to Stecco, in the homes
of other people connected to a person
who was "under close watch” and at the
anarchist space "El Tavan."

~ Telephone interceptions of more than
40 individuals: comrades and friends and
close relatives.

~ Targeted ambient interceptions were
ordered in one case where it was believed
that a person close to Stecco might meet
someone who, according to the DIGOS
[General Investigations and Special
Operations ~ Division], could provide
information about him.

— One person “under close watch” was
followed on foot at least once by the
services (the letterhead of that service
report is "Ministry of the Interior," while
all the others belong to various Police
Directorates).

~ Analysis of the history of call records
of 69 people and for one payphone (the
maximum period for which records can
be retrieved is 72 months).

~ GPS installed in 12 cars. For some
people close to Stecco there was even
ambient interception and video recording.

— License plates of 311 cars were placed
“under watch.”

~ Request for bank statements for 59
people to check for the existence of
"suspicious" transactions attributed to
possible financial support for the fugitive.

~ Installation of a tracking device
(specifically a GSM tracker, ie., not
satellite but cellular, of the "Spora” type,
meaning a miniaturised tracker that
communicates in real time via SMS to a
phone used by the police) on a bicycle
believed to be used by Stecco, located
using a camera in a town where he was
recorded during the period he was non
the run.

~ In this case, as in that of another
comrade on the run, forged documents
were found whose personal details were
found to belong to real existing people.
From this began a series of searches and
nterrogations of the people involved, with
the intent of comparing movements,
overnight stays in hotels and checking the
activity on certain bank accounts (and,
for instance, the "Decathlon card,” in at
least one case, which contains a history
of purchases) going back several years
(over 10).

— The political police of Treviso, Padua,
Verona, Brescia, Bergamo, Milan, Trento,
Trieste and Genoa were mobilised. From
the moment they began to “tighten the
circle,” the DIGOS in Trento received
permanent reinforcement staff, certainly
at least one agent from Trieste.

For a more qualitative analysis, however,
we need to look at the techniques used.
Investigations move along two axes: the
analysis of an enormous amount of
telephone data and the almost constant
surveillance of certain people, with
particular attention to their absences from
their residences. When those persons are
located again, efforts are made to
reconstruct their movements as far back
as possible. Data collection is carried out
slowly and systematically. ~ Some
examples:

~ Two comrades traveling by train were
trailed by four DIGOS agents, who were
positioned two at the front and two at the
reaer of the cariage. At each
intermediate stop there were two
plainclothes officers present, in case the
comrades got off the train; for this
purpose the political police of seven
provinces were mobilised. From the
documents it appears that this trailing
was ordered at the last moment, when,
the previous evening, the police leaned
in real time from the microphones
installed in the homes of people close to
one of the two that he would depart by
train the next day.

— The documents show that the cops, in
addition to asking RFI [the Italian
Railway Infrastructure Manager] to make
station cameras vailable for viewing,
asked the examining judge to install
special cameras specifically at Rovereto
station, so that monitoring could be done
directly from the police station. They
were also able to see which tickets had
been issued by each ticket machine,
which searches had been made without
purchasing a ticket and to access the
camera that in some cases is installed on
the ticket machines. These later cameras
retain video for a maximum of 10 days
(even though the general maximum

~Page5~

retention period for infrastructures
requiring greater protection is 7 days
according to the 2010 provision signed
by the Data Protection Authority, except
for special requests).

~ Having observed that a person “under
cose watch” had searched train
timetables for a certain city using a ticket
machine; when that person was absent
from home the cameras of that city’s
station and of at at least four other
stations were checked. It is likely that
data from several stations along routes
leading to the city for which the search
was made were analysed. In fact, because
data are erased after 7 days, the DIGOS
in Trento rushed to the RFI Lombardy
offices in Milan because they believed
they had identified the person at a station
(which was neither the station searched at
the machine, nor those near his home)
where he had passed through 7 days
carlier and there was a risk that the
images would be overwritten before the
data download was complete.

~ In an attempt to reconstruct the
person’s route, they reviewed footage
from a commercial business outside the
station where they believed he was
located, as well as the cameras on the
train they believed he had boarded at that
station. Since, from the latter, during the
journey they saw him reading the latest
issue of some comrades’ magazine
recently been released, they requested
bank records related to that magazine.

—To reconstruct backwards the route that
led him to that station, they initially
focused on Intercity trains, because there
is a requirement to have a named ticket.
Having identified from the list provided
by FSI an acronym that they believe
could be linked to that person, they
checked where the corresponding ticket
had been issued. With the station
purchase videos no longer avialbale due
to the expiration of the image retention
period, they tried to reconstruct how the
person reached the station where the
ticket was bought.

— Having ruled out Intercity trains,
because they found no identifiable name,
they focused on regional trains and asked
FSI to provide for each the number of
tickets issued by the automatic ticket
machines of departure stations,
intermediate stations and others nearby,
in locations "frequented” by anarchists:
150 pages of lists sent by the railway
companies. They also checked ferries and
buses. Given that they found nothing,
they requested the same data as before
for the ticket machines of 69 additional
stations and for any fines issued onboard
trains on five regional lines. At the same
time they asked the railways for a list of
all tickets purchased with that acronym in
previous months and to activate an
“automatic alert” in case it was used
again to buy tickets.

- To reconstruct the movements of
certain cars, footage various motorway
toll booths were reviewed; once a car was
located deemed suspicious, municipal
road cameras were also checked.

— Once they identified the area where
they belived Stecco might be, the DIGOS
requested the installation of 5 “long-
range video" cameras with facial
recognition and 10 cameras for "indoor/
outdoor video recording” around a given
station, including urban and suburban bus
stops. There is no record of a request
from the public prosecutor to the judge,
so we do not know whether they were
ultimately installed. They also analysed

25 July, Athens, Greece: Arson attack on a
private policeman’s scooter in the Elliniko area
by the ‘“Deniers of Social Peace".
"[...] This action of ours was not random, as we
chose to attack a uniformed scum at a time
when the state is increasingly strengthening the
security forces with additional funding for
equipment and personnel as well as privileges
for them. This is part of the state’s attempt to
fortify internal social peace against resistances,
against those who struggle, against the internal
enemy, against the anarchist sphere. Thus it
uses the cops as protectors of the politically
and economically powerful, ' securing their
interests. In the same strategy it militarises
repression and control, toughens the laws and
the penal code. At the same time, it displaces
those deemed surplus and sterilises city centres
and public spaces (parks, squares, universities,
etc.), evicts squats while increasing security
forces to protect commodities, tourism,
construction, in general the projects of
gentrification and investment at the expense of
the poor and persecuted. With this action we
want to remind in every direction that for us no
cop can sleep peacefully and everyone is
responsible from the moment they consciously
decide to support the state and domination with
their work. [...]"

26 July, Thessaloniki, Greece: A powerful
explosion from an explosive device caused
extensive damage to the apartment building
where the president of Greece’s prison officers
association and chief warden of Diavata Prison
lives; additionally six cars were damaged and
two people injured. For the explosion, which
residents claim it was heard over a kilometer
away, at least three kilograms of explosive
material were used.

The cops focus their investigation on the
possibility that the attack is related to the prison
officer’s position, that it may have been a
revenge act with possible "terrorist" or "mafia”
motives. In response to the attack, armed police
forces of EKAM raided Diavata Prison, but so
far no connections have been found as to who
carried out the attack, neither inside nor outside
the prison.

29 July, Pays de la Loire, France: As part of
the struggle against Administrative Detention
Centers (CRA), borders and detention in
general, a municipal building in Chantenay was
attacked with hammers and graffiti slogans
were sprayed.
"[...] Hunted by state institutions whether it is
CAF, France Travai, inspectors or the cops,
undocumented people are indispensable and
useful to bosses who can exploit them for little
gain (or nothing at all) with the constant threat
of expulsion hanging over their heads; they are
considered disposable and undesirable whether
by the right or the left whose only aim is to
intensify their exploitation and always facilitate
their expulsions.

Against the state and against those who aspire
to manage it (whether right or left), let us take
the offensive. For the ashes of detention, fire to
all prisons!

Against apathy, long live the attack!
Let us sabotage the machine of expulsion!
Death to the state, long live anarchy!"

31 July, Diisseldorf, Germany: As part of the
“Switch off the system of destruction” campaign
against environmental destruction by techno-
industrial civilisation, the Commando Angry
Birds sabotaged the Rhine-Alps railway tracks,
north of Diisseldorf Airport, which is a major
congestion point for rail traffic with direct and
indirect impacts across a wide area covering
some of Europe’s main economic centres:
Amsterdam, Duisburg, Cologne, Frankfurt,
Mannheim, Basel, Zurich, Milan, Genoa.

31 July, Xanthi, Greece: Eviction of the
Autonomous Hangout of Xanthi, where the
police broke down the door and demolished the
facade.

1 August, Santiago, Chile: Burning barricades
in the streets of the Chilean capital marked the
start of the Black August, a month of action in
memory of comrades Lupi, Tortuga, and Belén.

1 August, Delémont, Switzerland: Mass arson
of vehicles belonging to BKW and the shed
where they were parked. The action was part of
the local struggle against the ecocidal hydraulic
fracturing project in Glovelier.

2 August, Hohenmlsen, Germany: Unknown
persons set fire o cables along a commercial
line used for coal transport.

4 August, Isére, France: Arson of a France
Travail service vehicle in La Cote-Saint-André.
‘The fire also affected the building of the service
where the vehicle was parked. France Travail is
the French public employment service and is
frequently attacked due to France’s anti-worker
policies.

5 August, Leipzig, Germany: Arson attack on
four cars of Teilauto, a local car-sharing
company that cooperates with the municipal
police.

“In recent years there have been sporadic
spontaneous. self-immolations of cars of the
Ordnungsamt [municipal law enforcement],
which calls itself Polizeibehérdethe (“Police
Authority”) in Leipzig.

In 2020 they had to lose so many cars that they
could no longer go to their operations.
Operations in which, during the Covid state of
emergency, they harassed people in parks
because they did not want to be locked up,
carried out 2G controls, etc.

To restore their operational capability, they
then used vehicles from Teilauto. We see this as
support for an increasingly authoritarian state
and have therefore torched four Teilautos on
the night of 4 to 5 August on Karl-Heine-
Strae. We do not care if the company bosses
now whine that they are environmentally
conscious and sustainable.

We do not believe in reforms within capitalism,
we make no peace with the state! Freedom for
Maja, M.+ N. and all prisoners!

For anarchy!"

6 August, Corfu, Greece: Mass sabotage of
Airbnb key safes by the Anti-Authoritarian
Intersectional Collective SFIKES.
"Our action constitutes the minimal resistance
to professional income-seckers (Airbnb
owners), to touristification and to urban
gentrification. Corfu is NOT the 'paradise’
presented in travel guides. The obsession with
tourism has led to the effective sell-off of the
city of Corfu, which is supposedly even a
UNESCO monument, and to its partition into
box-like apartments and into luxurious villas
that do not accommodate ordinary people.

Your urban gentrification brings no
development, but destroys communities and
erodes our interpersonal relationships that are
not defined by any notion of profit. The power
of our action lies more in its ability to shift the
narrative. While you present Corfu as this
“picturesque” and ~ “cosmopolitan” tourist
destination and displace us, we bother you and
remind you that here, besides landlords and
tourists,” here live people: students, workers,
doctors and teachers. It is time to realise that
power, whatever form it takes, is not
omnipotent, but is vulnerable to our collective
disobedience and resistance. Every attack on
Airbnb, on tourist units of big capital and on
supposedly ‘well-maintained homes' targets the
exposure of systemic violence and is a blow to
the idea that quality housing is a privilege for
the few and that it can be purchased.”

6 August, St. Louis, Missouri, USA: Arson of
a private car of an American soldier who served
in the Isracli army.

7 August, Santiago, Chile: Burning barricades
in the La Victoria neighbourhood in memory of
comrades Lupi, Tortuga and Belén.

8 August, New Aquitaine, France: Sabotage

~Page6~

images from cameras on buses. They
asked 1o intercept a person and his
mother and to have access to their call
records because they were said to have
previously rented apartments in the area
to comrades.

— Once Stecco was arrested they showed
around his photo and questioned various
locals until they identified the house
where he had stayed. They took
fingerprints and DNA from everything
seized in the house.

~ Regarding searches via phones, it
should be noted that not only the phone
numbers were intercepted, but also the
devices in which certain SIM cards had
been inserted, via the IMEI number. This
does not happen for all numbers, but only
for those deemed more "interesting” and
it seems sufficient that the SIM would be
inserted only once (and used). Moreover,
as we already know, interception also
involves geolocation of the phone, even
for non-smartphones (although in- that
case one can only trace the progressive
cells attached and not the exact position).

~ From the perspective of analysing
telephone traffic, once they narrowed the
circle to a specific area, they search the
already acquired records for any phone
numbers of anarchists living there (that
is, whether any of the 69 people whose
records they have called someone who
was there in the previous six years), and
then all calls made by Stecco in the five
years prior to his going on the run to
numbers located in that area.

— They look in the history of call records
for calls made from payphones. Then
they check whether calls from the
payphone for which they have historic
records were made to foreign numbers;
once identified, they sce whether those
numbers ever called numbers that
emerged from the historic records. They
also verify whether landlines or mobiles
in four Italian regions were called from
that payphone.

~ They analysed traffic data passing
through cells of Tim, Wind, Vodafone and
Iliad in nine locations at times when they
believed there may have been contacts
with a phone supposedly used by Stecco.
Given the massive volume, they try to
cross-reference them with the intercepted
numbers and then with all the numbers
resulting from the subscribers whose
records they have. This type of search
(crossing data extracted from certain cell
towers with phone numbers identified
through call record history analysis) is
repeated several times. In general, in
many places we find analysis of call
records histories, sometimes going very
far back in time, and attempts to cross-
reference the numbers thus extracted with
the data collected as the investigation
proceeds.

Although it does not ultimately appear in
the interceptions, at various points the
DIGOS requests authorisation to
download Whatsapp chats and in one
case also Telegram.

~ Regarding online searches, it is worth
noting the attempt o install spyware (a
computer virus that allows complete
access to the "infected” device) "via a 1-
click procedure” that would enable the
smartphone of a person close to Stecco to
act as a microphone for ambient
interception (technical definition:
“authorise active telematic interception
with possible interception among present
people by activating the microphone on
an Android mobile terminal without
root"). In practice, an SMS containing a
link ‘was sent to this person that, if
clicked, would have led to the installation

of the virus. Since the person did not
click the link, and having identified the
PIN code of his phone by means of a
high-resolution camera installed inside
the car (which made it possible to deduce
the code as it was typed on the phone),
the DIGOS was authorised to install the
virus directly once it obtained temporary
possession of the phone. This does not
appear to have occurred because in the
meantime the investigations moved in
another direction.

— Regarding email, it seems that only
liberoit provided data related to email
addresses (including log files), while
other providers appear not to have even
responded to requests (or at least there is
1o mention of them).

~ In addition to emails, they try to obtain
all data related to Microsoft Account and
Google services, including ~purchases
made via those platforms.

On this last point it is interesting to note
the analysis carried out of the GAIA 1D
(Google Account and Id Administration)
for which a phone number believed to be
in Stecco’s possession received an SMS.
Basically, when one tries o access a
Gmail mailbox from a device different
from the one normally used, Google
requests a verification step in addition to
the password, sending an SMS with a
numeric code to a phone number linked
to the email address. Since a number
linked to Stecco received this code, they
try to retrieve the data related to the
corresponding Google account. To do so
they entered the phone number on the
Gmail login page and, on the page where
the password is requested, right-clicked
and selected "View page source.” A
window opened containing the HTML
code, they pressed CTRL-F (find) and in
the search box executed the command to
obtain the 21 digits that make up the
GAIA ID. To find out to whom this ID
belonged, they used one of Google’s
services, specifically Google Maps (from
the description it appears they can use
any Google service, but Google Maps is
probably the one where reviews and
contributions are more often left).

In practice, in the address bar they
entered
hutps://google.com/maps/contrib/ID_GAI
A 10 view all the reviews left via that
Google account and thereby identify the
email addresses linked to it. They then
requested from Google all the registration
data related to the email addresses, the
phone numbers, the date they were
associated with the addresses, the
personal data related to the GAIA ID and
all log files of every connection to that
account. It does not appear that they
received a response.

To try to summarize in an understandable
way, multiple email addresses and
multiple phone numbers of reference can
be associated with each GAIA ID; once
the police know one of those data they
can try to trace the others.

~ Following an ambient interception in
which an email address is mentioned,
they request from Microsoft the
registration personal data, the billing
details of the account in case purchases
were made on the Microsoft Online
Store, the IP connection logs, all email
addresses and phone numbers associated
with that address and all the people who
registered with a name linked to that
email. In addition they request from the
provider subito.it the log files and IP
addresses used by that email address.

— In another file, related to the search for
another fugitive comrade, we found the
following passage concerning the active

and passive telematic interception of a
computer: "As is known, in light of
current technologies it is very difficult to
infect a PC, because there are many
variables that determine the success or
failure of the service (operating system,
antivirus, network card, etc.). Therefore,
as s customary, it s essential initially to
carty out a feasibility study to establish
the type of operating system used and any

active antivirus through a passive
interception, and then proceed to the
active telematic interception. The

procedures for implanting the spyware
will then be agreed with the technicians
of the company entrusted with implanting
the virus. From observation, it was noted
that [..] sometimes he leaves the
computer in the trunk of his car [...] when
he goes to work in [.]. With prior
authorisation of this _authority, ~ the
technician would proceed to install a file
with the computer switched off (this s
feasible only by leaving a USB stick or
any other physical memory support
inserted in the PC), a file that at startup
will be executed automatically by the
computer and will proceed to install other
small malicious programs, necessary to
study the software environment present
on the device, and then optimise the
spyware that will allow the requested
telematic interception.”

— After seizing a Tails USB stick they try
o find the password using the program
“bruteforce-luks.” In the communication
they note that it is not possible to
estimate the time required for this
operation.

Significantly, the only one of the 11
folders that make up the “Diana”
investigation to be empty is that labeled
“Expenses.” There are, however, some
quotes for rental of interception devices,
from which it also emerges that
localisation ~ devices ~often offer an
“interception option," so it is a single
multipurpose object. It also appears that
since Covid it is possible to have
listening ~ stations at home for
teleworking.

‘The opening of a file at the Ministry of
the Interior and some notes bearing that
letterhead suggest the involvement of the
intelligence services.

Last but not least: simultaneously with
the investigations to find Stecco at least
one other investigation for 270-bis was
active in which some of the suspects are
the same people implicated in the 270-bis
case relating to Stecco. This gives an idea
of the pervasiveness and the everyday
nawre of the control to which some
comrades are subjected.

It is useful to know that the cops may
take weeks o review footage from station
cameras, trains, toll booths and buses,
searching for images that suggest routes
and destinations. They try to do this even
retroactively with respect to a journey
considered ~ suspicious, reconstructing
much of a route starting from when it
ends, looking for coincidences between
moments of "disappearance,” days, times
and means used.

Everyone will make their

assessments.

own

Let us give even more force to practical
criticism of the world of surveillance and
digital control, as an indispensable field
of intervention if dreams and plans of
subversion and freedom are to remain
possible.

May fortune favor those on the run and
those who, in the struggle for freedom,
defy any identification.
~Page7~

Bretonniéres, Switzerland: Responsibility claim for the arson

e e Y s % g s

Last week, while we were enjoying a beautiful hike in the
Bretonniéres forest (Canton of Vaud, Switzerland), a sad reality
spoiled our moment.

At the end of the trail, the forest had been cut off abruptly. We
then discovered a Holcim quarry. Suddenly anger rose. We
remembered that it was these people who had financed Daesh
with millions to protect their activities, and also that their
practices elsewhere in the world are worse than our worst
nightmares.

‘The biggest polluters in Switzerland were there, before our eyes.
Our hearts were pounding. We could not simply walk away with
our heads down. We could not stay passive.

All at once, as if synchronised, we all ran down the slope into
the bottom of that quarry. We felt our sadness turn into courage.
It was as if what had t0 be done was crystal clear. Acts of self
defense were coordinated with almost no words.

METHOD OF THE ACTION

First, we disabled the long conveyor belts, which are
apparently very difficult and costly to replace.

‘Then we moved together toward the large machines. We opened
their hoods and cabins and treated them with flammable

attack on machinery of a Holcim quarry

engines. They consisted of fabric soaked in flammable liquid,
with one or two plastic bottles filled with fuel placed on top,
and fire-starting plates added to the stack. To ignite them,
we threw in a barbecue lighter.

And that is how we left, filled with joy, illuminated by those
monsters as they were consumed by flames.

We could hear the crackling. We felt light. We held our heads
high.

In Switzerland, we are in the midst of the swindlers who exploit
the earth and workers around the world. Imperialism is planned
here.

Out of respect for those who risk their lives for a fairer world,
for those who are imprisoned or who have lost their lives for it:

It would be good to go beyond words and critique.
Let us move from words to deeds.

Let us strike back when possible, with courage, prudence and
Joy.
To all those who struggle, with love. ¥

Black August: A month of action and propaganda
in memory of comrades Lupi, Tortuga, and Belén

Almost a year ago, death took from this life three brave fighters,
within days of one another, each with their own unique
experiences, perspectives, and contributions to the anti-
authoritarian _struggle, united in their course through the
illegalist offensive against the world of authority and its
accomplices. They are Luciano Balboa "Lupi”, Luciano
Pitronello "Tortuga” and Belén Navarrete, from the territory
occupied by the Chilean state.

Although in this particular case the comrades did not fall in
battle, their death presents us with a challenge to multiply their
stories, stories steeped in courage and determination, featuring
actions that few dare to undertake.

Comrades from Chile understand how anarchic memory is
practiced, not as commemorations of heroes and martyrs, but as
a weapon of black anarchist propaganda, a weapon that is armed
not only with words, but also with Molotov bombs, barricades
and agitation.

Below we quote a few words from comrades about the Black
August of 2025 and some snapshots from propaganda actions.

LUPI, TORTUGA AND BELEN PRESENT IN CHAOS AND
ANARCHY!

NOTHING IS OVER, EVERYTHING CONTINUES!

La Zarzamora: May actions dissolve
the veil that separates life from death

August holds a black memory. That memory is indispensable for
those who stand their ground on the earth and decide to act
against domination. In memory something of the past fuses with
the present, even more so when memory ceases to be words and
manifests itself decisively in insurrectional action or in a
concrete gesture of solidarity. Thus the black memory manages
to bypass the censors of power, and it advances without
temporal or generational borders.

There also come moments when those who kept that black
memory alive become part of it. And in blurred temporal spaces
the present, the now, memories and remembrance converge

again.

There are moments when life and death, from a binary
understanding, fade away, creating an instant in which nothing
and everything exist.

How must those who witnessed the cowardly and detestable
process that ended in the execution of Nicola Sacco and
Bartolomeo Vanzetti have experienced that August of 19272

Despite the insurrectional actions of comrades, demonstrations
and petitions of all kinds for their release around the world, they
were electrocuted by the United States on 23 August 1927 at
midnight.

“To their violence we must respond with our violence:
vengeance. To their infamous instrument that has bured the
bodies of Sacco and Vanzetti we must oppose our avenging
instruments,” said Di Giovanni in Culmine, upon the infamous
execution of the comrades. He also acted on it: he blew up the
Washington monument and the Ford Motor Company in Buenos
Aires.

The physical separation from so many comrades is an
experience we carry with us, and only by stepping outside
imposed understandings can the absences be healed, learning to

Santiago, Chile: Burning barricades in memory of comrades Lupi,
Tortuga, and Belén

of an wind mast in La Payratte, where residents
strongly oppose the construction of wind
turbines.

10 August, Smithers, British Columbia,
Canada: Arson of two McElhanney vehicles.
McElhanney provides consulting services to the
construction of the PRGT (Prince Rupert Gas
Transmission) pipeline project, which faces
fiierce opposition for its environmental impacts
and for infringement on indigenous land.

11 August, Patras, Greece: Anarchists claim
responsibility for a series of sabotages against
banks and ATMs a few days before comrade
Andreas Floros’s testimony. The claim of
responsibility is on page 1.

18 August, New Hazelton, British Columbia,
Canada: Arson attack on four vehicles of the
Gitxsan Development Corporation. This
company cooperates with McElhanney
Geomatics Engineering, which has contracts for
road construction for the ~environmentally
destructive PRGT pipeline project.

19 August, Kassel, Germany: Anarchists burn
four military vehicles belonging to the
Bundeswehr (German Army) fleet that were
parked at the former Liittich barracks in the
Marbachshohe area.

20 August, Aurillac, France: Violent riots in
the city centre with barricades, tom up
sidewalks, smashed shop windows, burned bus
stops and graffiti on the walls. The riots erupted
after the arrest of a young person who was
caught writing on a wall during a street festival.
Many participants sided with them, while soon
more people gathered. According to the police,
around 300 people took part in the riots and the
clashes lasted until 3 a.m. Eight police officers
were injured and there were no arrests.

20 August, Quebec, Canada: Sabotage of the
Enbridge Line 9B oil pipeline by an anonymous
anti-authoritarian group.

20 August, Milan, Ttaly: Police forces evicted
the Leoncavallo squat. For more details see
page 00.

21 August, Arles, France: Two construction
vehicles were set on fire in a Lafarge cement
quarry in Le Teil. Lafarge is a frequent target of
attacks in France, mainly for the environmental
destruction it causes.

21 August, Portland, Oregon, USA: An
anonymous anti-authoritarian group vandalized
an office belonging to the Kiln rentable offices
on Southeast Madison Street, as well as cars
parked on the premises. The incident was
sparked by an event held the previous night on
the theme of artificial intelligence. The vandals
left leaflets speaking of a "Butlerian jihad
against AI", which is a literary reference to a
war between humanity and robots in the trilogy
Legens of Dune by Brian Herbert and Kevin J.
Anderson:

"BUTLERIAN JIHAD AGAINSTAL

Never ending destruction and death propels the
machine of progress. Al rides on the front of
this beast, annihilating humanity, ~leaving
nothing in its wake but sterile boxes to lock us
in and apps to keep us sedated. While techies
are inside sipping their cocktails the rest of us
are faced with a choice: to accept our position
at the bottom of the social order or find our
people and bring the whole thing down. Only
we can decide to smash the screens that are
brainwashing us into submission.

The time is now,
the day is here,
ATTACK! ATTACK! ATTACK!"

26 August, Sydney, Australia: A group of
three hooded individuals broke into the SEC
Plating factory premises, caused serious
damage to the machinery and spray-painted
slogans in support of Palestinian resistance.
This company has been the target of many
protests in recent months because of its links to
the genocide of the Palestinians by Israel, since
it has contracts to manufacture parts for F-35
combat aircrafts for Israel.

Santiago, Chile: Burning barricades in
memory of comrades Lupi, Tortuga and
Belén.

Santiago, Chile: Snapshot from a
propagandistic action for comrade Belén
Navarrete. The banner in the photo reads
“Belén Navarrete present in chaos and
anarchy”

Brazil: Banner for Black August. The
banner reads “From one side of the

‘mountain range to the other, long live
Anarchy! Tortuga, Belén and Lupi

Basque Country: Anarchist propaganda in
memory of Lupi, Tortuga and Belén

TORTUGA BELEN INR2EX
MAPTYPES OITE HPOEL

ZYNTPOPOUIEEES:urorAD
Komotini, Greece: Banner in the city
centre for the Black August. The banner

reads: “Lupi, Tortuga, Belen present.
Neither martyrs, nor heroes, comrades.”

~Page8~

live with them.

Last year two dear comrades left their physical presence, Luciano
Pitronello and, days later, Belén Navarrete, both close to very
beloved people, comrades in ideas, activists and in solidarity with
our comrades in prison.

After that blow, after the impact, actions began. Banners and graffiti
with their names, barricades and leaflets with their faces, incendiary
sorties and other things once again fused present and recent past, in
violent actions, in fire, on the banner, in the graft

And just as they remembered and made others present almost a
century ago, confronting cowardly and pacifist stances, today
actions fulfill the same function.

Belén Navarrete lives in the blast that blew the door of the Abbot
Recalcine laboratory that stormy night of 19 May this year. The cells
that bear her name made her present in an act of vengeance for the
distribution of contraceptive pills that forced pregnancy on a number
still undetermined of women and gestating bodies.

In every gesture, in every action, memory and action, a mix that
fuses present and past, in August when the regrowth of the trees
appears again, when the buds are about to burst, the black memory
opens the gate where we make our comrades present... every
gesture... every action.

May actions dissolve the veil that separates life from death

Belén Navarrete and Tortuga live in insurrectional action.
For our comrades who transcended the earthly plane.

La Zarzamora

Black August 2025

Anti-prison Solidarity Network
“Marcello Villarroel a la Kalle”: In
memory of Luciano Pitronello and
Belén Navarrete

“...in the midst of the whirlwind of the filth of the world,
sometimes we meet, and we know we are not alone, sometimes
we lose our brothers and sisters, but the war continues, we
move forward with our dead, with our heads held high and
always firm on the path we chose.”

~ Belén Navarrete

On the 11th and 21st of August last year, the anarchist comrades

Tortuga and Belén passed to another plane of existence. Both, in

sadly fortuitous events, left us while perhaps living the best days of

their existence, full of the challenges that their antagonistic
convictions guided them through.

With both comrades we built spaces and bonds of affinity in the
daily struggle against the prison society.

With both comrades we lived chapters of brotherhood and
Revolutionary Solidarity from a clear anarchist stance that has
sustained part of a history of continuous offensive against power in
the Chilean region over the years.

‘With both comrades we shared more intimate and everyday aspects
that take us beyond any organic formality, which certainly is not
contemplated within our bonds guided by trust, affinity, brotherhood
and comradeship proven in all circumstances, always in pursuit of a
struggle in which the decision not to bend and to continue was
always clear and forceful.

‘We have lost two great people who, with their ups and downs, never
shunned conflict beyond the swings inherent to each life.

From anonymity and without any vainglory they contributed in
multiple ways to the deepening of the daily struggle against the
state, the prison and capital, using unlimited imagination along with
the necessary resolve to carry out powerful insurrectional initiatives.

We assume as a just necessity, as inevitable continuity and as
unavoidable responsibility the fact of reivindicating them as part of
the extensive and multifaceted anarchist struggle. The comrades did
not die in actions, of course, but they were not citizens radicalised
by circumstantial events or by temporary rebellions. They were and
are siblings in the subversive anarchist struggle who put countless
grains of sand on the winding road of confrontation with power and
all authority.

‘With the conviction that we carry all fallen comrades day by day in
the struggle for the release to the streets of our anti-authoritarian
comrades imprisoned around the world and we reivindicate them as
such, even more in the case of Belén and Tortuga with whom we
walked the path of conflict for years in direct solidarity with our
comrade Marcelo Villarroel in an unwavering commitment to his
release to the street.

"To those who have experienced up close the loss of these
warriors, from this anti-prison project, we tell you from the
heart: Strength and courage!”

“Because neither prison, nor agony, nor death will stop us!”
~ Tortuga, Luciano Pitronello.

One year after the physical departure of our brother and sister
Luciano Pitronello and Belén Navarrete, nothing has ended,
everything continues!!
FOR THE EXPANSION OF SOLIDARITY WITH
SUBVERSIVE AND ANARCHIST PRISONERS!

FOR THE MULTIPLICATION OF AUTONOMOUS
ANTICAPITALIST ACTION!

FOR THE ANNULMENT OF THE MILITARY JUSTICE
SENTENCES STILL IN FORCE FOR MARCELO
VILLARROEL A LA KALLE NOW!

SO LONG AS MISERY EXISTS, THERE WILL BE
REBELLION!

Anti-Prison Solidarity Network «Marcelo Villarroel a la Kalle»

Black August 2025, different territories.

Words from the imprisoned comrades
of the Susaron Case in memory of Lupi,
Tortuga and Belén

As prisoners who are openly opposed to order, we feel it our duty to
send a token of undimmed affection in memory to three individuals
who are no longer on our earthly plane and to their loved ones:
Tortuga, Lupi and Belén.

‘We had the luck to know all three.

Tortuga, in countless insurrectional days spreading the anarchic
germ, tirelessly stopping to create precious instances of propaganda,
music and questioning.

Belén, in the glow of the same struggle and direct action. We all
knew how bravely and fiercely she brought her discourse into
practice, and she was always much respected for that.

And Lupi, going out to meet him with the comrades of the * Carreta
Andrquica” in Santiago 1, when he fell into prison. Trying to give
him a warm and supportive welcome: bringing him good food and
warm clothes, laughing a little in the face of misfortune. Seeing
firsthand how he maintained, despite the nervousness and fear
caused by entering a prison newly, a stoic and proud consistency of
his words and acts. We met him in prison and we never forgot his
innocent and beautiful energy, the light he carried above his head
despite the horrible situation.

For all of them, honour, fire, gunpowder and conflagrations! To
remember them without those elements would be a lack of
respect.

Take theory to the conflict: let ideas set fires.

In our colourful and dangerous hearts live the comrades who no
longer accompany us physically. But we, the ungovernable,
know they walk by our side in danger and in calm.

Fire to the existent, and may memory wreak havoc.
Anarcho-nihilist prisoners, vegan straight edge, Susaron case.
(Panda and Rucio)
Black August 2025 / Ex Penitenciaria

Words from anarchist comrades Aldo
and Lucas Hernandez for the Black
August

For an August of combative black memory...

‘The absence they leave to their comrades must resonate in the daily
life of those who knew them, those who crossed more than a word
must miss them, and why not? Who is prepared for the death of a
brother/sister? Although we can put ourselves in the situation, the
scenario, there is no certainty of being prepared, every feeling is
always personal and individual, what one can feel inside must be
lived in the flesh to speak of loss.

‘W did not walk with you, we did not know you, but comrades attest
to your determined and resolute path to confront this reality.

‘These lines are to bring Luciano, Belén and Lupi to memory, that no
comrade has to die in a distant recollection, but to carry them
present in every moment when one decides to confront the
establishment.

For Luciano, Lupi, Belén, Santiago Maldonado, Macarena Valdés
and so many who died or were killed...

First week of a Black August.

Aldo and Lucas from the "La Gonzalina” and "Santiago Uno™
prisons.
~Page9~

Santiago, Chile: Claim of responsibility for
molotov bomb attack against cops in solidarity
with comrades Aldoand Lucas.

Urban guerrilla persists in every action, in|
every moment where the foundations of this

society tremble and fear is replaced by the

teror of imminent conflict]

These are the words we hear in everyday,

life, in the diversity of spaces that at some)

point in our travel we have heard but whid

have multiplied even more over timey

however, increasingly fewer violent action:

occur in this disgusting society. Rather than|

wanting to deepen and conduct a meticulou

analysis on this matter (which we believ]

should be left to the pathetic academics whol

enjoy playing the passive role before the

enemy with lots of theory and no action))

we want to honour our brothers Aldo and

Lukas through actions that were carried ouf

in search of breaking the passive and sick

daily routine that we have mentioned, in which, on the eve of their trial, we decided to
show brief but necessary gestures of combative solidarity, so that those who face decades in
prison are not alone and that the conflict persists against those who subject us to this
alienated life. Although today it was only an incendiary confrontation against the bastard
police, soon there will be bullets piercing their bodies and bombs exploding in their faces,
prosecutors, gendarmes, police or any collaborator of today that we are living — do not
sleep peacefully, we continue to sharpen our ideas and they will be turned into real threats
against you, nothing is finished, here everything continues one way or another, we know
our path and no matter what we will take our freedom and that of our brothers and sisters
by assault.

LONG LIVE FIRE AND THE TERROR OF EXPLOSIONS.
ALDO AND LUKAS TO THE STREETS
Autonomous illegalist affinities for vengeance.

Incendiary solidarity with imprisoned
comrades Aldo and Lucas

On 22 July another attack on cops took place by students of Liceo José Victorino
Lastarria. Molotov bombs were thrown, barricades were set up and leaflets were thrown,
in solidarity with Aldo and Lucas Herndndez, imprisoned anarchist comrades who in
July and August were undergoing trial against them.

‘The two comrades are accused of the bombing attack against the National Gendarmerie
Directorate, responsibility for which was claimed by the Black Revenge group.

The trial lasted more than ten sessions. It included the presentation and display of
evidence held by the prosecuting authorities, such as images and recordings of the
approach and escape routes of the perpetrators who placed the explosive device, objects
including munitions, tools and weapons that were found in two residences, as well as
testimonies of police officers.

From the testimonies it emerged that there are dark points in the investigation that could
never be determined with certainty, forcing the authorities to rely on conjecture due to

the lack of material evidence that would truly support the accusation.
Solidarity with comrades Aldo and Lucas, against whom a long prison sentence is being
sought. Let solidarity not be a word used wrongly, but let it be felt in the daily lives of
comrades who are deprived of freedom, as well as in those who suffer reprisals from

power.

Monica Caballero Sepulveda: “Political violence”

Political violence can be understood, from an anti-authoritarian perspective, as the
aggressive response that aims to break, attack or fracture each of the components that make

up domination.

Such a response could be confined to damage to the symbolic representations of authority,
thus leaving a rich propagandistic message, that is, that it manages to capture each of the
motivations of the action, and ideally that it causes the repetition or contagion of the whole
violent response, or at least a part of it.

As 1 said before, one can attack symbolically, understanding that the current system of
oppression can be seen represented in different elements or physical objects, or even in
people.

For example, we have the case of Sante Caserio, who stabbed the French president Sadi
Carnot. From my perspective this action was carried out because the president represented
political power, which at that time had led to the death of comrades Ravachol, Vaillant and
Henry. His action sought to be a direct attack on the one who publicly sustained power in
the territory dominated by the French state in the 1890s. Besides exacting revenge. Sante
wanted there to be no doubt about his motivations, that is clear in his cry: “Long live
anarchy!” at the moment of his arrest, and likewise in his judicial statement.

Currently, yes, we understand that the capitalist, heteropatriarchal system of domination is
combined through complex social and cultural relations, together with material structures
and the people who sustain the later. Consequently, and from an anarchist viewpoint, 1

Uprising in Indonesia

News from Indonesia. 25th August and continuing...

have (and have maintained for several years) the following questions:

In what way could a decisive qualitative leap be made that goes beyond the attack on the
symbolic? Can we really "strike where it hurts" the capitalist system, in a world where the
relations of domination have reached a networked mesh across the globe?

The answers to these questions have mutated as I believe I have come to know how
domination has developed and persisted, and I have tried to act in accordance with those
answers, giving shape to the many ways in which one can destroy all that prevents the
integral development of each individual.

On the long path of how anti-authoritarian political violence is exercised, successes and
mistakes must necessarily become collective learning for those of us who take the same
side.

Among those of us who have found ourselves in anarchist/anti-authoritarian doing, we
constantly meet new comrades, and we also painfully say goodbye to many others.

Comrades Belén, Tortuga, Lupi, your memory remains persistent.

Health and Anarchy!
Méhnica Caballero Sepilveda

Anarchist prisoner
Black August 2025

Angry youth uprising triggered by rising taxes for public and repressive military. There’s no organisation, the insurrection is being|
spearheaded by young anarchist, nihilists and uncontrollables. Many young anarchists from high school students association are}
arrested. The high schoolers are the energy. Around 400 of them were arrested on 25th August according to reports. Most of the action
coordinated live on social media. Usually some liberal union or opposition party controls the narratives but not this time. Even
mainstream media acknowledge that social media is the source of the documentation. Politicians cannot control the narratives any
longer. It's been a tradition for decades that executive student bodies normally are stewards for these kind of demos, but each year
these brokers are getting outed. By the students themselves. That’s why NGOs, unions, “civil anarchists” and students associations of
left and right hate the anti-organisational faction.

Fuck them all. We provoke the youngsters to act for themselves.Individuals are no longer spooked by ideological duty, norms and all
those extrenal values...

Last night, 28th August, police killed one dead. Nationwide riot against the tax rise. In several cities the riot was organic and self-
organised. The police public image continues to crumble, as the peaplke supports the rioters. Cells coordinated other things and mos]
nihilist-insurrectionary announcement are quite dominating the narrative. Anonymous instagram social media accounts with thousands|
of followers calling for anti-political insurgency. Everyday they make good calls and explanations.

‘The union brokers announced they would be on the streets and “there will be no riot”, but the youngsters and rioters mock them righ
away on social media. We give it up to the youngsters. we can only stimulate them to be more uncontrollable. At the night, the interne]
went to shit. While “civil anarchist” calling for people’s council we call for fuck everything. Only providing networking coordination|
and street action technical facts. We never really organise people.

Friday 29th August. Basically anarchists control the narrative. People responding to the nationwide call to attack the police station and
the police themselves. Attack the government and the mass-media lost control of the information and news.

~Page 10~

4 Our network keep calling for revenge since the police murder last
night and its getting hotter. The cells are in the streets.

‘You can see the uprising on various news though all the good
videos only on social medias.

From the “Archipelago of Fire”
Jakarta under siege

August 25th, 2025. Jakarta no longer belongs to the rotten elites.

| Thousands from every comer of the land storm the capital. This is

not just a protest- it’s a collective eruption of rage against rising
housing taxes, endless corruption, and the military-police dogs of
the state.

From dawn il midnight, the streets turn into a battlefield of
defiance. Screams, fire and stones become the people’s language
of fury.

“This is not some puppet show of the elites- this is raw anger,
untamed, leaderless and impossible to control.

Perhimpunan Merdeka: Abolish
Parliament! Update on the wave of
rebellion in Indonesia

This wave of rebellion, starting in late August 2025, was caused by
the accumulation of anger over various political and economic
issues. There was no single issue. Everything escalated with a
massive increase in house taxes across the region, due to the
government’s budget deficit. At the same time, members of
parliament received a tenfold increase in wages. This was
exacerbated by officials’ often arbitrary statements. For example,
the Regent of Pati said that taxes would not be reduced, even if a
mass demonstration of 50,000 people took place. Pati was the first

Indonesia

‘henchmen.

bounds.

", Application for Support — Indonesian Safe

House Network

on FireFund:
hutps://www firefund.nev/indonesiansafehousenetwork

Our project is dedicated to maintaining and expanding a safe house
network that provides shelter, security, and mutual care for activists

this initiative has become a crucial
infrastructure of solidarity and resistance.

‘We are reaching out to request your support (be posted on yours
safety.

emergency needs of comrades staying in the safe houses.

details or documents needed to support our application.

Call to Arms: Insurrectionary Solidarity with

— Informal Anarchist Federation (FAI)

Since the 25th, the flames of rebellion have scorched the oppressive forces in Indonesia,

igniting a fierce uprising against a regime that thrives on violence and subjugation. This is no

fleeting moment; it is a throbbing heartbeat of resistance from those long denied their rights.
“The loss of ten lives in this struggle only deepens our resolve to confront the state and its

As the government unleashes military brutality, kidnaps activists, and engages in sinister cyber
warfare, we are reminded: “Insurrection is the most logical weapon of the masses.” It is time to
act- our fury must unite as a force beyond borders!

Comrades across the globe, rise! Attack Indonesian interests wherever they are found. Disrupt
the machinery of oppression with every act of defiance.

Join the clash, amplify the voices of the oppressed, and make it clear: our resistance knows no

Together, we can dismantle the techno-industrial civilisation!
Informal Anarchist Federation (FAT)

‘We would like to share our ongoing campaign: Indonesian Safe House Network, currently running

and vulnerable communities in Indonesia. With the increasing risks faced by grassroots organizers,

website), so we can strengthen this network, sustain the spaces, and continue building collective
Any contribution from the mutual aid fund will be directly used to cover rent, food, utilities, and

‘We deeply appreciate your solidarity and consideration. Please let us know if there are any further

Indonesian Safe House Network
idnsafehousenetwork@riseup.net

city to explode with a turnout of around 100,000 people on August
10, 2025. Protests against the tax increase spread to Bone, then to
other cities. During a demonstration in Jakarta, an online
transportation worker was killed after being run over by a police
vehicle. The following day, demonstrations spread to many cities,
and they continue to this day as we publish the update. At least ten
civilians were killed, several officials’ homes were looted, and half
a dozen House of Representative offices were partially burned or
burned to the ground. We were confident this rebellion would
subside, but the public’s anger did not.

‘There are too many organizations, networks, and groups
formulating demands. Even each city has its own unique demands.
‘There are two revolutionary demands: the first from the
Perhimpunan Sosialis (PS), and the other, a loose, informal, and
decentralized network that issued the Declaration of the
Indonesian Federalist Revolution 2025, which calls for the
dissolution of the unitary state and the DPR system and its
replacement with a Democratic Confederalism of thousands of
people’s councils for the implementation of direct democracy.
Progressive liberals call for a more reformist call, the 17+8
demand. Insurrectionary anarchists, individualists, and post-leftists
focus on attacks and street clashes, calling for the destruction of
the state and civilization, but without bothering with a platform or
program. There is no united front, but we avoid excessive
ideological sectarianism.

While there’s no single issue, the discourse simultaneously centers
on three: tax increases, police violence, and, most importantly, the
dissolution of the House of Representatives. Perhimpunan
Merdeka hasn’t yet taken a position, but it’s participating in every
demonstration in its respective cities and using it to expand its
network.

Long live the revolution!

Perhimpunan Merdeka

In solidarity,
[Immanuel / Admin]

~Page 11~

The authoritarian trap of the identity logic

Excerpt of a text by an anarchist comrade from Italy,
published on 16 August 2025 in Disordine under th title
“Simple Words”..

hutps://disordine.noblogs.org/post/2025/06/18/parole-
semplici/

I think that liberation passes through the individual, and
not because, by virtue of this or that reading, that would
represent a more radical claim, but by looking at the
essence of that claim.

Once one has self-awareness and awareness of one’s own
potential, then one is also aware of the possibilities for
revolt. It is up to each person to associate with others, to
look for those who are similar or dissimilar, many or few;
the fact remains that, first and foremost, it is individuals
we want to speak about, whoever they are, whatever
names they bear. Since lived experience and personal
history certainly matter, together with the convictions each
person can adopt, none of this can be diminished or erased
by generalizing behaviors.

Roles, categories, identifications are at the opposite pole of
this approach.

Centuries and centuries of domination have defined the
role of woman and the role of man, the role of adult and
the role of child, the role of master and the role of slave,
the role of the human being and that of every other living
being. Starting from this consideration, it becomes evident
that what is problematic is the role that is assigned and,
because of which, a certain oppression has developed, and
that the social relationship underlying this assignment of
roles must be shattered.

What should therefore lead to liberation seems instead to
have become fixed in a codification of language, gestures
and ways of acting, and in the consequent imposition of
prohibitions and rules.

Here s the first issue to address, and perhaps the most
important: the code. It refers to an institution, not to
autonomy; to order, not to revolt; to prisons, not to
freedom. When something is codified, it is to that lattice
that one must adhere, complete with punishment and
control where the imposed rules are violated.

1 address here the question of feminism, including radical
feminism, and of the identity politics to which many
discourses that try to oppose oppression, such as. that
against women or against homosexual, lesbian and trans
people and so on, have led. This identity politics, almost
always victimising and exclusionary, has become today a
tool to impose rules and languages and to create
separations. It i also the argument that cannot be escaped,
being present in every guise and in every context and
beyond which there seems to be nothing. Often various
issues are approached with the identity lens of those who
consider themselves victims of this system by gender.
Now, what cannot be shared is that this phenomenon is
forcing homogenisation rather than freedom, a kind of
insidious morality that paradoxically reproduces what it
intended to fight. No word out of place, no gesture out of
place, no thought out of place. Either you speak and
behave in a certain way or you are out. But out of what?
Out of the anxiety of political correctness that becomes a
kind of police of language and behaviour? Out of the
mental frameworks of those who, fundamentally, look at
people as categories?

At this point it is interesting to draw a parallel with the
homogenising and stereotypifying model of domination.

Queer and feminist issues, although from a reformist point
of view, have in recent times become absolutely central in
discourse and media propaganda. And as is easy to predict,
not because the ruling order cares about the real
emancipation of individuals, but because reclaiming these

demands is very profitable and, by doing so, prevents
these and other demands from flowing into a broader
critique. Consider advertising for clothing, perfumes,
telephony and so on, or those who, in the media, present
themselves as champions of these causes. Class enemies,
one might have said in the past, who profit from the
changes in society. Some time ago a well-known national
daily published a chart that included all the definitions of
those who do not identify as woman or man. Each
definition was associated with a colour. One had the
feeling of facing a school assignment, a didactic and
scientific approach to what should pertain to a personal
sphere that cannot be reduced to charts and graphs. Why
must the individual be identifiable exactly as something
and not be able to have many facets? But this, one might
say, is what the media do. And yet, on one hand, riding the
emotional wave of the moment, because of yet another
murder of a young woman at the hands of a man, the
advertisement of a telephone company depicts a labyrinth
from which a man can easily exit while a woman faces a
wall she must break down; on the other hand there are
those, within the antagonist milie, who call for a creative
meeting to produce graphics on anti-prison or anti-
psychiatric themes that, however, so-called cis-hetero men
cannot attend. How, then, such a selection could be
established seems rather obscure. Do you draw up a
questionnaire with questions? Is attitude or clothing
enough? Facial features? Perhaps Lombroso’s writings can
offer some suggestions on the matter.

One cannot ignore the fact that commodification by
capitalism is always just around the comer and that any
discourse is recovered, swallowed up and adapted to the
use of a totally pervasive cultural homogenisation. For this
reason the use of slogans like "if I do not return home,
bur everything” is not, unfortunately, an expression of
radical intent, but the spectacularisation of a tension that
does not exist, if it is true, as it is true, that even the Italian
State Police website used that slogan in reference to the
murder of a young woman by a man. The site was then
inundated with comments from women who contested
having been belittled and denigrated by those police
officers when they had presented themselves to report the
violence or mistreatment suffered. Comments that were
prompily removed.

Another aspect remains to be considered. The tendency of
this _technological society to eradicate differences,
peculiarities, particularities and singularities to make
everyone uniform. High-performing machines, with
controlled desires, often induced, that cannot deviate from
what is predetermined. Imagination, creativity and passion
erased, everything must be foreseen and predictable,
otherwise it becomes dangerous for society itself. Not
even claims that try to transform society in terms of social
relations escape this logic. Such claims are allowed if they
can be controlled, while they are denigrated and
criminalised if they are irrecoverable.

For this reason it is destruction that we should speak of;
destruction of roles and categories, of morals and
obligations, of codes and rules of behaviour, wherever
they manifest, whatever their origin.

If discussions about oppression do not take into account
how much religion, for example, has influenced and still
influences the determination and maintenance of well
defined roles from which it was impossible to escape and
which were reiterated for centuries, how is it possible to
understand what many women, but also many men, or
many homosexuals and lesbians and trans people, for
example, have suffered and still suffer? And how can that
oppression be dismantled if one does not give the
necessary, heavy weight to that cause. It is completely
misleading, and also very dangerous, for example, to think
that it is not possible to criticise the identity that passes

through religion, which is considered a sort of claim by
someone who, as an immigrant, must endure the racism of
the host state and its laws. That may make sense to those
who sectorise life, box it in and make a chart of it, not to
those who strive for liberation. When books are burned in
the name of a supposed claim and defense of the
oppressed, as happened in Saint Imier in Switzerland
during the "International Anti-Authoritarian Meetings" in
July 2023, where a stall run by a French anarchist
federation displaying books critical of Islam was accused,
while in reality one is facing authoritarian methods and
content, it is evident that the situation has gotten out of
hand.

And this does not remove respect and empathy for the
suffering of others, for the oppression endured; however,
the words of the ruling order cannot be the ones to show
the way. Moreover, if one realizes one has elements in
common with it, then a different path must certainly be
taken.

‘This can be exemplified by the spread of psychology into
every field, including those that are considered gender
issues. A certain victimisation also arises from considering
events exclusively under an emotional, psychological, care
or protection perspective. Once again, behaviours to be
controlled, comfort zones to be realised. The resulting idea
is that, ultimately, human beings are no longer able to
manage their relationships, which must be seen as sources
of fear, insecurity and anxiety, exactly what is happening
to millions of adolescents and adults who prefer a screen
that creates distance from the chaos, internal and external,
with which they must relate and which, instead of
intriguing, attracting and exciting them, frightens them.
Recently T happened to read a flyer announcing an event
entitled "oppressa per natura” (“oppressed by nature”). I
felt chills and a surge of anger that made me tear it up. I
found the claim of a condition of oppression, which would
even be immutable and deterministically given forever, to
be aberrant. Being in solidarity with those who suffer or
have suffered oppression does not mean exalting it, but
trying to subvert it and overturn it. Otherwise there is no
difference with the litdle story of Adam and Eve that
represented the immutability of a condition for centuries.

We are also the product of the society in which we live,
and it would be time not to hide this fact any longer, to
prevent the compass that many comrades of the past
pointed out to us from being lost forever. This has
probably always been the case; at one time anarchists were
deeply positivist and believed in science as a source of
progress. Today a certain neoliberalism has entered the
heads and hearts of many, miserably polluting contexts
and situations.

So it is good to remember that, however issues are
presented, they are social issues, not separate from one
another but always intersecting, and that, by fragmenting
them, they reduce the possibilities for action and reaction.

But it is also worth asking: what relationships are being
built in the light of all this? And is there still something
intimate, personal, individual to be guarded, something
irreducible to any category or definition and that is simply
the expression of one’s own madness or disquiet?

The embarrassment and amazement often felt at the
positions that in some cases dilute, in others annihilate, an
anti-authoritarian idea should be replaced by a decisive
refusal.

[..]

An anarchist comrade

Athens, Greece: Claim of responsibility for solidarity actions with anarchist comrade

A few days before comrade Andreas' defense statement, we carried out sabotage and
wrote slogans on several banks and ATMs in the city of Patras as a minimal symbolic

gesture of solidarity with him.

Andreas was accused of organizing and joining the "terrorist” group "Alliance for
Revenge' and, since April 26th, he had been detained in the Amfissa prison. On May
16th, his trial began at the Loukareos Appeal Court in Athens, where the court decided to
acquit the comrade, thus ending his imprisonment, as he is now outside the walls.

Andreas Floros

As an anarchist, Andreas is targeted by the prosecuting authorities due to his long-
standing and continuous involvement in social and class struggles in the city of Patras.

He has chosen to stand against every oppressor, and alongside every oppressed, against

every authority that dominates our lives, and to fight for a free world.

‘The conspiracy constructed by the state security of Patras and the anti-‘terrorism’ service,
approved by the prosecutor and the investigator, with well-known tactics like upgrading
charges, anonymous phone calls, using conversations with imprisoned inmates to create

profiles, and criminalizing friendly and comradeship relationships, at its core reveals the
central and perennial policy of the state to attack and suppress anyone who resists. For
~Page 12~

this reason, we recognize the prosecution and attack on our comrade as a targeted attack on
the entire anarchist-anti-authoritarian movement.

Clearly, the media also played a significant role in Andreas’ prosecution, which, from the
very beginning, reproduced police press releases and added deliberate labels and false
information against our comrade. In this way, they created an image of Andreas as "the
hardened criminal", distorting his political identity, while simultaneously reproducing the
fear that already exists in society and glorifying the role and actions of the cops. All of the
above contributes to the early social condemnation of him.

Finally, for this symbolic solidarity action, we chose as a target one of the pillars of

“Synergy of Vengeance” / “Armed Response”
Case: Attempted escape from court

As expected, once again, the police-D.A.E.E.B. in collaboration with the corrupt judicial
authorities did what they do best: they "cooked", directed, and staged trials to achieve
the outcome they desired. Thus, with considerable audacity, Prosecutor Spyros Pappas,
in less than an hour, without substantial arguments and a clear picture, "bagged" most of
the accused, attributing the charge of Article 187A (terrorist organisation) to five of
them. This provision is often used by the state and judiciary to suppress their enemies,
that is, those who choose to stand against social cannibalism, those who refuse to be
slaves to the masters, those who do not accept the few ruling over the many, for a life of
freedom. Freedom is a fundamental pillar of life, it is in human nature, especially for
prisoners, to seek it.

‘Thus, on Thursday, 10/7, at the Loukareos courts, some of the accused chose the path to
freedom, risking even their lives. Despite the protective measures of the state apparatus
and without hesitation about the consequences of their decision, they clashed with the
cops, managing to take one officer’s gun and neutralise another. However, in their
attempt to free the remaining accused, the police regrouped, and the escape attempt
ended. They may not have won their freedom this time, but they managed to humiliate
the entire prison system with its armed cops, sending a powerful message of solidarity
and the realisation that with risk and will, anything can happen.

What is written above is not something you would hear or learn from the manipulated
media. They know well how to cover up the mistakes and filth of their masters.

PS. Big words from media parrots: freedom of speech is a sacred and inviolable right in
democracy.

capitalism, authority, and oppression. Because banks and capital, along with the states,
contribute to the complete deconstruction of the world in order to maintain the capitalist
system, which alienates, crushes, destroys, and takes from us everything we have in order o
survive. It s time to take everything back.

HAPPY FREEDOM COMRADE

KYRIAKOS XYMITIRIS ALWAYS PRESENT
FREEDOM FOR ALL IMPRISONED COMRADES
STRUGGLE UNTIL THE LAST PRISON IS DESTROYED (A)

Solidarity with Fotis Tziotzis

We stand in solidarity because:
Fotis Tziotzis does not pretend to be innocent. He does not seek excuses, he does not
soften his actions. He stands in court as what he is: an anarchist who chose to clash with
the world of authority, with action and words. And he does it without any trace of remorse,
without asking for mercy.

He doesn’t expect anyone to save him — he expects the movement to live up to his words.
Because he didn’t back down.

And yet, while other anarchist defendants turned into icons, became posters, banners,
hashtags, and statements, Fotis remained outside. Not because he is less of a fighter, but
because he wasn’t convenient. He doesn’t sell well, doesn’t have "the right style," isn’t
easily consumed by a solidarity that often works like a catwalk of sympathy.

And that is a problem — not his, but ours.

Solidarity is not an emotional gesture. It is a political stance. It does not choose “good”
and “bad” anarchists, nor does it work with likes and trends. If we choose whom to
support based on appearance rather than substance, then we have already lost.

Fotis does not ask for forgiveness, nor sympathy. He declares himself present, consistent,
dangerous — and the state charges him for that as a crime. To us, that should be regarded as
a virtue. If repression targets those who did not succumb, then silence in the face of such
cases is complicity.

This text was not written from the outset. Questions, corrections, observations, and
objections came first. It didn’t arise as “inspiration,” but through the process that produces
politics: criticism, demand, stance. And this stance is what we want to present here.
Because if on July 18th the state makes a decision about Fotis, we are judging ourselves.
And if we want a movement that is not manageable, that does not conform, then it is time
to prove it.

No selective solidarity - all for one, and all together against the state.

Consistency should not be paid with silence - but with support.
Solidarity is action, not a banner.

Anarchists

Update about the court ruling of anarchist Andreas Floros

On Friday, 18th July, the tial for the “Synergy of
Vengeance” Case concluded, where anarchist comrade
Andreas Floros was tried. After the acquitial
recommendation from the prosecutor, the court
unanimously declared the comrade innocent due to doubts
about his involvement in the organisation and without any
doubt on all other charges. Andreas was released a few
hours later from Korydallos prison.

Inside and outside the courtroom, which was tightly
surrounded by all special forces of the police, more than
70 solidarity people gathered, breaking the deafening
silence of all types of courts with slogans of solidarity,
standing by Andreas and every persecuted person.

The acquittal decision came after 15 months of captivity
in the prisons of Amfissa and Korydallos for Andreas,
who from the very moment of his arrest denied all charges
in the otherwise flimsy scenario presented by the anti-
terrorism squad. Once again, it was proven that the anti-
terrorism unit, based on the legislative framework of
187A, orchestrates prosecutions against anarchists and
fighting individuals. In this way, they have repeatedly
attempted to spread fear against anyone who dares to
challenge and stand against the dominant dictates of the
exploitative system.

In a case with many parameters that should have been
considered by the solidarity world, we witnessed vengeful
tactics, not only against our comrade but also against the
other accused in the case, aiming to support the anti-
terrorist narrative and impose harsh sentences on most of
them. In a trial where the connective elements supporting
the 187A charge were not even supported by the same
service that initiated the prosecutions, the anti-terrorism
law once again acted as a Trojan horse to validate the
scenarios and machinations of the state and the media.

Thus, those accused under 187A heard lengthy sentences
in the first instance, ranging from 15 years up to 37 years
(with 20 years to serve) for anarchist Fotis Tziotzis, who,
although “incarcerated during the acts described in the
indictment, was sentenced for "incitement” o all actions
and for "leading” the organisation. Simultaneously, no
mitigating factors were recognized, even for those accused
and the accused person who "fell” under 187A.

Against all this terror-narrative, for 15 months, comrade
Andreas maintained a consistent combative stance within
the condition of imprisonment. He published texts both on
his case and on broader social/class issues and participated
in several evenis by phone. Moreover, a solidarity
movement was formed, with dozens of events and actions
in various cities. The solidarity movement succeeded in

reversing the climate of terror that the police attempted to
impose, particularly in the city of Patras. The world of
struggle was on the streets and stood against repression at
a time of accelerating state violence and imposed modern
totalitarianism.

Andreas’ case encapsulates the vengeful frenzy of the state
and police against those who steadfastly stand by the
oppressed and exploited, on the side of the downtrodden
of this world. Against those who do not tolerate
repression, fascism, sexism, war, death, and poverty.
Against those who fight for a world of freedom, equality,
and solidarity.

Self-organized - Unmediated - Unyielding struggles
against repression,

state machinations, and fear.
Solidarity opens paths to freedom.

‘We have a whole world to win — We have a life to try
for.

Solidarity assemblies for anarchist comrade Andreas
Floros (Athens, Patras)

On the eviction of the historic Leoncavallo squat in Milan

‘The eviction of Leoncavallo, which took place at dawn on
August 20, 2025, is not only the physical closure of a
place. It is the provisional conclusion of a cycle of
struggles, contradictions, and resistances that have crossed
Milan for over fifty years.

It s the tangible sign of a historical transformation: the
city's shift from a territory of social conflict to a
laboratory of neoliberal pacification, where real estate
profits, security policies, and capital appreciation are
inseparably intertwined.

Leoncavallo was not just a social centre. It was an
embodied memory. It was the materialisation of an
alternative vision of the city: a city not bent to profit, not
subordinated to the logic of the commercial valorisation of
space.

For this reason, its existence was, from the very

beginning, intolerable for the dominant classes. It was not
a concession to be tolerated, nor a picturesque remnant of
the past: it was an open wound in the map of the city as a
commodity.

Every mural, every concert, every assembly was the living
demonstration that urban space could be taken back from
the fetishism of private property. And this is what the
bourgeoisie hates and fears: not the episodic act of protest,
but the material existence of a counterexample.

It is no coincidence that the evacuation occurred in a
context where the city is plagued by scandals linked to the
city councils, contracts, and the dirty games of property
developers protected by the City Hall. While real estate
profits continue to dictate the law, while the city is handed
over to speculations, major events, and the transformation
into a tourist showcase, the decision was made to tear

down what remained of an experience of collective self-
management.

Here the connection is crystal clear: the state defends
property, profit, and capital by all means; at the same time,
it represses, criminalises, and erases what refuses to be
commodified.

‘The tragic paradox was also made evident by the case of
Marina Boer, a longtime militant linked to Leoncavallo,
forced to respond in court to an absurd financial demand:
hundreds of thousands of euros that no individual, let
alone a woman almost eighty years old, could ever pay.
Her crime? To have represented, for years, an
organisational reference point for a space that did not
recognice the sanctity of private property. The bourgeois
state, unable to touch the profits of those who devastate
neighbourhoods with real estate speculation and
corruption, did not hesitate to persecute an elderly militant
for supposed “damages.”

Here the class function is evident: the state defends
property and punishes those who challenge i. It does so
not only with the physical force of the police, but also with
the cold violence of the courts, debt, and economic
demands that crush isolated individuals.

It is repression in its most brutal and hypocritical form:
one that turns a militant into an insolvent debtor, one that
does not punish the corruption of palaces but the political
passion of those who lived to build spaces of sociality
from below.

Thirty years ago, such an eviction would have set the city
on fire. In the 90s, every attempt to erase Leoncavallo
produced mass mobilizations, marches, clashes, barricades,
and hundreds of people ready to physically defend the
space. It wasn’t romanticism: it was the strength of a living
social composition capable of turning repression into a
detonator.

Let’s not forget 1989, when the eviction led to entire days
of clashes; or 1994, when the pressure from below was so
strong that it forced the institutions to retreat, and the
police were literally forced to leave the streets in front of a
movement that had no fear. Back then, the contradiction
was visible, palpable: there was an urban proletariat that
recognized in Leoncavallo a political home, a symbol, a
material defense of its living conditions.

‘Today, however, the dawn of the eviction did not generate
any uprising. No wild demonstrations, no masses ready to
reclaim the space. Only a few dozen militans, isolated,
surrounded by a repressive apparatus that acted surgically,
without allowing time to react.

‘The difference is not in the absence of the contradiction:
the urban proletariat sill exists, precariousness,
unemployment, and unsustainable rents still scream the
same social violence as before. But that violence no longer
translates into open conflict.

‘The material conditions are all there, yet anger does not
turn into organization. Why?

~Page 13~

Because capital has learned how to neutralize. It has
fragmented, precarized, individualized. It has turned daily
life into a race for income and survival, taking away the
breath of collective struggle. It has colonized the
imagination, presenting precariousness as a natural and
inevitable condition. It has transformed the very idea of
conflict into an individual risk too high to sustain.

‘This is the real triumph of neoliberalism: not the end of
contradictions, but their preventive management, their
permanent neutralization.

In this sense, the eviction of Leoncavallo is a paradigm. It
doesn’t just tell the story of a space, but the trajectory of
the city and its proletariat.

Milan, which was once the capital of workers’ struggles,
student mobilizations, and urban resistances, has become
the capital of rent and tourist valorization. Its bourgeoisie
has leaned that frontal confrontation is no longer
necessary: time is enough, the slow erosion is enough, the
security apparatus that isolates, criminalizes, empties is
enough.

Today’s police no longer have to retreat: they act
surgically, with precision, knowing that on the other side
they will no longer find the masses of thirty years ago.
This is the result of a long cycle of capitalist
counteroffensive, which has disarmed the class
composition and transformed the city into a laboratory of
pacification.

But beware: the eviction of Leoncavallo is not an isolated
episode. It is part of a global trajectory. Everywhere in
Europe, self-managed spaces are being evicted, reduced to
omamental residues, integrated or repressed. In Berlin,
historic projects have been crushed under real estate
pressure; in Barcelona, progressive councils have co-opted
or erased urban struggle experiences; in Athens, spaces
born during the crisis have been systematically evicted in
recent years.

Itis the same logic that runs through Europe: to turn every
space into a commodity, every void into rent, every
deviation into an anomaly to eliminate.

So what remains, then? The bitteress of a cycle that

seems o be closing. The awareness that today, unlike
thirty years ago, the eviction did not spark any fire. The
bitter lesson that capital does not win because it eliminates
contradictions, but because it neutralizes them,
domesticates them, turns them into social impotence.

The urban proletariat still exists, but it is fragmented,
blackmailed, scattered. The precarious youth can no longer
find stable places to organize. The memory of struggles is
continually rewritten, marginalized, reduced to “past
history.”

Yet, precisely in this bitterness, there is a legacy. The
eviction of Leoncavallo marks the end of a cycle, but also
shows the incompleteness of pacification. Because the
contradiction remains. Because precariousness, impossible
rents, gentrification continue to produce social anger.
Today it does not translate into conflict, but nothing
guarantees that it will always be this way. Capital thinks it
has closed a chapter: in reality, it has only shifted the front
line. The absence of mobilization is not an eternal fate; it is
a phase. History teaches us that what seems pacified can
explode again.

And if Leoncavallo does not return, if its gates remain
closed, the memory of an experience that marked
generations remains, proving an inescapable truth: urban
space is not neutral; it is a terrain of class struggle.

The eviction of Leoncavallo seems like an epilogue. But
every epilogue carries with it the possibility of a new
opening. We do not know if occupations will return, we do
not know if new spaces will be born. But we know that the
contradiction remains intact, that the neoliberal city will
not be able to erase forever the memory — and the
possibility — of a different Milan, not bent to the market.
This s the bitter, but necessary, lesson that August 20,
2025 delivers to history.

Published as part of a collection of texts on the eviction of
Leonvacallo in Contrapiano.

hutps://contropiano.org/interventi/2025/08/22/1o-
sgombero-del-leoncavallo-un-segnale-politico-0185869

Xanthi, Greece: Evacuation of the
Autonomous Hangout of Xanthi

On 31/07/2025, the evacuation of the Autonomous Hangout of Xanthi (ALZ) took place
with the accompaniment of police and the university's technical service, following the
order of the rector, Maris, as a continuation of the state doctrine of empty and sterilised
academic institutions. It is a continuation intertwined with the broader repression of
resistance movements, as well as social spaces, squats, and all types of public spaces.

In September of ‘09, at the PROKAT site, the squat of the Autonomous Hangout of Xanthi
began operating. The purpose and the need for the existence of the hangout was and is our
desire to create another vibrant cell of resistance, solidarity, camaraderie, and self-
organisation. For the last sixteen years, the centre has operated as a reference point, a
rallying place, and a space for the collectivisation of various struggles concerning
both local and nationwide - global issues. Actions against the organisation of fascists in
the city, direct marches against fascist-state murders (P. Fyssas, K. Fragkoulis, N.
Sampanis, C. Michalopoulos), collections of essential goods during quarantine periods or
whenever necessary, immediate responses — actions to address sexist attacks,
interventions in issues of employer’s abuses, solidarity actions supporting the oppressed,
anti-racist interventions, and many others.

The squats and our spaces are the barricade, the thorn in front of their narrative, in
front of the rotten normalcy of the state, capital, and patriarchy that they try to
impose on us. They function as social spaces, open to everyone, creating and promoting
self-organisation, one that is incompatible with the standards of commodification and
capitalism. They serve as spaces where we can all politicise and collectivise our needs
against the dominant culture. In our spaces, we organise events, discussions, exchange
information, create antifascist communities, enjoy ourselves away from exploitative logic,
hold collective kitchens, and shape our political discourse.

‘The squats permeate the urban fabric as points of organisation and collective struggle,
responding to people’s need to share their concerns and act collectively, TOGETHER, and
not alone.

For this reason, the state considers them dangerous and unwelcome, and unleashes all its
rage against them.

In the squats, not only our structures are housed, but primarily our relationships,
ideas, and dreams.

No cement can silence our voices, no sealed building can stop our struggles.
Let us stand as an obstacle to the seizure of public spaces and structures.

AGAINST REPRESSION, CANNIBALISM, AND FEAR, REVOLUTION UNTIL
TOTAL LIBERATION

AS LONG AS DIGNITY FIGHTS AGAINST DEPRIVATION, WE WILL BE
HERE.

NOTHING IS OVER. EVERYTHING BELONGS TO US.
SOLIDARITY WITH THE SQUATS - IDEAS CANNOT BE EVACUATED

GET IT STRAIGHT, NO MATTER WHAT HAPPENS, THE AUTONOMOUS
HANGOUT OF XANTHI WILL REMAIN A SQUAT

Autonomous Hangout of Xanthi

New York, USA: Letter from Jakhi McCray to

the movement prior to turning in

It has been one month since the NYPD and the U.S)
government came after me, accusing me of setting fire
to police vehicles belonging to the 83rd precinct in
Brooklyn. According to them, $800,000 worth o
damage was done and the charred remains of the
vehicles represented a direct attack on the police.

Today, July 21st, I walked into the 83rd precinct and
turned myself in.

There’s a real chance that I won’t see the outside of af
cell for years, but I make this choice clear of mind
and, in a naive way, hopeful. It's a hope that come:
from feeling loved and supported by my friends, m
family, and my comrades that have rallied in support
of me in wake of the accusations. It's a feeling that |
cherish and will hold on to in the, now uncertai
timeline of my life.

I’m 21 years old and I know it’s normal to be unsure about life and the world, but I want to
thank you -whether | know you or you’re just meeting me for the first time now- forgiving
me some comfort in all this.

My charge comes with a minimum sentence of five years and a maximum of 20. The
federal government has labeled me “armed and dangerous” and blasted a $30,000 bounty
for my capture, which Zionist and white supremacist news outlets have happily supported
in their racist doxxing and smear campaign against me.

My home has been raided alongside two other addresses in New York City, and my litle
siblings had assault rifles brandished at them as they were harassed and forced outside.

I’m not, nor was I ever, scared. This scare tactic is nothing compared to other black people
that are beaten and/or murdered, and their names being dragged through the mud as the
media does damage control for the officers that did it. I's not new to Palestinians and
Arabs that are being assassinated, deported, and harassed. I've met immigrants that live
under daily paranoia, not knowing whether or not ICE goons will bust through their doors
and kidnap their families.

I've been arrested 12 times before this, and doxxed and lied about by fascist press and
police officers alike. I've seen friends and comrades lose relationships, homes, and jobs
because of their refusal to be responsible for the genocide in Palestine and the kidnapping
of migrants.

The SCC61, the CUNYS, the Prarielandl 1, the 2020 prsioners, Tarek Barzouk, Leqaa
Kordia-all just a few current examples of the the government’s attempt to regain control.
‘The use of COINTELPRO and its domestic warfare campaign that left hundreds of dead
and imprisoned revolutionaries throughout the 20th century and now has caused a memory
crater in our movement, where we don’t know to how to handle the brutality of State
repression.

Repression is the State trying to call our bluff. It is intense because it shows itself when our
potential to disrupt genocides and capital becomes too
grand to ignore. Millions of people, whether they consider
themselves revolutionaries or not, that participated in the
encampments, the anti-ICE street rebellions, and the
George Floyd Uprising have helped create a social crisis in
the last five years that continues to bring in millions more
and fuel the need for liberation.

‘The constant effort it takes the State to oppress us is not
manageable. It is already breaking, with the funding and
hiring disasters in federal agencies, the infighting between

~Page 14~

the Trump administration and his base, and the complete
political catastrophe over Isral.

The harshness of the State’s eye on our movement is
nothing more than a defensive reaction, a mask from their
fear. This is as much of a make or break moment for them
as it is for us. If we come out of this with our solidarity
and our infrastructure intact, it is a monumental win for
our communities and a devastation to our enemies.

Our greatest strength s each other-that we are not just

coworkers maintaining appearances for the duration of a
shift. We are comrades, and with that comes a promise to
love, defend, and fight for one another. Because you are
my comrades, I hold this promise towards all of you.

I don’t know what will happen now, but I do know that I
will never stop fighting and I will do my best wherever I
find myself to be.

With love and solidarity,

Jakhi

Athens, Greece: Solidarity with the persecuted comrades in Texas, USA

On Wednesday 6th August, we hung a banner at the
Zizania squat in the Victoria neighbourhood of Athens, an
immigrant area, in response to two legal cases near the
city of Dallas, Texas, USA, in which comrades who
resisted the ICE (the US border patrol, which has been
heavily reinforced under Trump) are now facing extreme
repression.

1. In the first legal case, a comrade was arrested during a
march near Dallas in June. The march was in solidarity
with the protests against ICE in Los Angeles, California.

The charges faced by this comrade are as follows: A
march of around 200 people against ICE was attacked by
the police when it entered a major road. The police claim
that, when the comrade defended themselves, a patrol car
was damaged — and some officers claim to have been
injured. The comrade was beaten severely, tased multiple
times, and hospitalised.

They are charged with "assaulting the police” and with
disarming an officer of their taser. Both of these charges
are serious felonies in the USA.

The comrade is

free on bail and
awaiting trial.
Naturally, ~ they
also had to pay a
large amount to

ANARCHIST

PAGES

forces...

2. The second legal case s unrelated to the first, but took
place in the same Texas area, on 4th July, "Independence
Day" in the USA.

That evening, a "noise demo” took place outside a
detention centre where immigrants are imprisoned and
mistreated by the state. There are many stories about what
happened, but we will not echo a narrative from the state
or the media, despite it sounding cool.

What we know is that a police officer was shot and injured
(possibly by another officer? This happens often in the
USA) and that now, for many comrades and their families,
their lives have been shattered.

So far, sixteen people have been arrested in connection
with this July incident. The state has charged all of them
with many serious felonies. The FBI has terrorised and
harassed their friends, families, and loved ones. They are
targeting all politically active people in the Dallas, Texas
area. The charges are extremely heavy terrorism charges,
threatening life imprisonment.

The accused remain in prison, where they have been
denied contact with legal assistance and the outside world.
They have been deliberately mistreated inside Johnson
County Jail, where they are detained. Bail is set at 10
million dollars per person.

To give you an idea of the political situation in this area,

woman who had an abortion by herself, because in Texas,
abortions are illegal.

Many of those arrested in this case from July were not
even present at the immigrant detention centre. They are
threatened with severe sentences, some with deportation.
For example, the "crime” of one individual was simply
having anarchist writings in their car.

You can support these comrades a
https://www.givesendgo.com/supportdfwprotestors.

‘We understand that ICE in the USA is the same as Frontex
or the Coast Guard in Greece... The struggle against the
deadly violence of borders is a global common struggle.
Our solidarity knows no borders... fuck the cops and fire
to the detention centres!

Zizania

ENGLISH the hospital for
the injuries the Johnson County Sheriffs Department, which is
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Update at the beginning of July 2025. In recent days, we have
received news regarding the particularly distressing situation that the
management of the Bancali prison, likely in coordination with the

Ministry of so-called Justice, is imposing on our anarchist comrade
Alfredo Cospito, particularly concerning his postal correspondence.

‘We remind everyone that the censorship of incoming and outgoing
mail is a constitutive element of the 41-bis regime to which the
comrade is subjected. For a long time, Alfredo has not received any
letters, postcards, telegrams, or communications of any kind. This s
despite many of us continuing to write to him, including through
collective correspondence initiatives such as the one that took place
in Foligno on May 31st. Furthermore, the prison administration has
long ceased to inform the prisoner of the notification of mail
censorship, a document against which one could appeal in order to
receive the confiscated correspondence. The mail simply disappears
without a trace.

‘This behaviour is part of a long series of persecutory measures
aimed at the psychological and political destruction of the comrade:
from the denial of access to books already ordered and authorised, to
CDs or headphones for listening to music, to the reporting of his
lawyers to the bar association for having shaken his hand and kissed
him during their meeting — in other words, for treating him as a
human being.

Updates on the detention situation of anarchist Alfredo Cospito

Al of this takes place in the already enormously distressing context
of the 41-bis regime, which provides for two hours of outdoor time
per day in groups of no more than four people, as decided by the
Ministry, one hour of monthly visitation with a family member
separated by glass or, alternatively, ten minutes of phone calls during
which the authorised family member must go to a police station to
make the call. In addition, as mentioned, there is the censorship of
correspondence and the inability to read books concerning subjects
deemed sensitive (and the great difficulties in obtaining any books in
general).

We firmly denounce that this harassment is clearly a state revenge
for the intransigence and determination with which the 2022-23
hunger strike was carried out and the international solidarity
mobilisation, which shone a light on that grey area known as 41-bis
with unprecedented intensity, hammering at the false celestial aura
that surrounds the anti-mafia anti-terrorism structure.

‘This persecution comes in the wake of the conviction of
Undersecretary Delmastro to eight months for revealing official
documents, which occurred precisely in the shabby attempt to
slander Alfredo Cospito during the hunger strike.

‘The misery of these individuals is evident when compared to the
consistency of an anarchist who has never bowed his head. On one
side, there are those who shoot a nuclear sorcerer in the legs, and on
the other, a person high on cocaine, in a rare moment of consistency,
shoots themselves in the legs.

In the climate of world war that we are currendly living in, we
reaffirm that these incidents must be understood as outright war
policies against the internal enemy. The challenges for
revolutionaries in such a historical period are great, but for this
reason, we cannot and will not leave anyone behind. Because those
who forget the prisoners of revolutionary struggle forget
revolutionary struggle itself.

In view of the potential renewal of the 41-bis regime for Alfredo
Cospito in May next year, let us ensure that this too becomes a
battlefield full of contradictions for the State.

Anarchist Circle “La Faglia” - Foligno
July 2025
circoloanarchicolafaglia@inventati.org

tme/circoloanarchicolafaglia
~Page 15~

CALL for a nationwide assembly in solidarity with anarchist Alfredo
Cospito, ahead of the expiry of his 41-bis regime next year and its
potential renewal (Rome, 11th October 2025)

FREE ALFREDO FROM 41-BIS - NATIONWIDE ASSEMBLY

It has been more than three years since our comrade Alfredo Cospito has been locked up in that "tomb for the living" that is 41-bis.
In the meantime, many of the repressive pretexts used to impose this regime on him have fallen away, given the outcome of certain
judicial proceedings in which he and other anarchists were involved. By May of next year, the Ministry plans to renew this regime
for another two years. Depending on the decision, the defence may file an appeal, a procedure that could take months before a
hearing is scheduled. It is precisely in anticipation of this deadline that, despite our differences, various anarchist individuals and
collectives have felt the need to come together to discuss and think together about how to approach this date.

Since his transfer to the 41-bis section of the Bancali prison, a mobilisation has been born that has gradually grown, reaching its
peak well after the beginning of Alfredo’s hunger strike in October 2022. There are various legal processes currently being
pursued by the State against the comrades who participated in various ways in this mobilisation, which, despite its limitations, has
still managed to restore credibility and visibility to anarchist ideas and practices.

But to this day, the comrade is still there, imprisoned, and we continue to feel the responsibility of not leaving him alone in this
fight. For this reason, we invite individuals and anarchist groups to two days of debate and discussion.

‘The meeting will take place in Rome at the CSA La Torre, in Via Bertero 13, starting at 3pm on Saturday 11th October, with the
possibility of continuing the assembly on the morning of the following day. To get there by public transport, take either the 341
bus from Ponte Mammolo (Metro B) or the 311 from Rebibbia (Metro B) and get off at the last stop on Via E. Galbani.

Message to the climate movement

Throughout the last decade, both in Europe and beyond, a new
generation of activists has brought the climate movement to the
forefront. Groups such as Extinction Rebellion, Fridays for
Future, and Ende Gelande have succeeded in breaking out of
the sidelines, convincing millions to commit themselves in
defence of the planet. It wasn’t so long ago that few were even
aware of the possibility of climate catastrophe — nowadays the
very opposite is the case. | have no intention to downplay these
achievements. What I do want to draw attention to, however, is
that climate activism has made little or no difference to
something very important, to the only thing which really
counts: to actually lowering the amount of carbon emitted by
humans across the planet. Such emissions continue to increase
every year, as do average global temperatures, weather
catastrophes, and rates of species extinction. Earning
recognition from across society has not been enough. In all of
its core aims, the climate movement remains a decisive failure.

I have a suggestion as to why this is the case. Because the
climate movement remains stuck in the assumption that those
in power must be convinced to bring about the necessary
changes for us. Despite utilising a direct action aesthetic, most
climate activism focuses on getting media attention (including
mainstream social media, which s as much an extension of
capitalist power as television or the newspapers) in order to
achieve social recognition, ultimately in order to lobby
politicians. However, the political elite will never be able to
solve this crisis, because the system which grants them power
i also a system which literally thrives on wrecking the planet.
What we call “the economy” is an out-of-control megamachine
which deems anything short of unlimited expansion (a process
which entails ecological devastation) some kind of disaster. No
matter their affiliation or the promises they offer, all the
politicians and corporations pledge allegiance to the backward
logic of this world-eating monster.

Some would argue that certain elements of the climate
movement escape this concern. Contrary to Extinction
Rebellion and Fridays for Future, anti-capitalist groups such as
Ende Gelinde do not make explicit demands of politicians,
instead focusing on disrupting critical infrastructure directly.
However, we cannot suppose that peacefully occupying a coal
mine (or its arteries) for a few hours is a realistic way of
shutting it down for good; this is just another way of getting
the media interested. Such actions make no sense unless one
hopes, consciously or otherwise, that they might serve to
convince politicians to step in and reform the economy for us.
Other mass organisations (for example, Soulévements de la
Terre/Earth Uprisings) might seem like an improvement, given
that they favour sabotaging ecocidal infrastructure, and in this
sense encourage something resembling direct action (albeit
directed by a secretive vanguard). Again, however, this might
only be a more seductive way of receiving media attention; for
such attacks would be far more effective if performed by small,
autonomous groups who strike under the cover of darkness,
especially where the authorities do not expect it.

In short, most climate activism is fixated on requesting help
from a system which is inherently incapable of responding. It
therefore spreads an ethos of disempowerment and

infantilisation, implying that ordinary people are incapable of

addressing the climate crisis for ourselves. But really it is the
other way around. We will all be burnt to a crisp before the
governments will do what needs to be done. It therefore falls
on unspecialised, dedicated rebels to begin solving the crisis
directly. What might that look like? Enacting without delay the
necessary changes which those in power will never seriously
consider. By this I mean, shutting down the power stations,
airports, motorways, and factories, whilst arranging
decentralised (and therefore ecologically-minded) means for
sustaining ourselves without them. This proposal no doubt
involves a massive escalation in strategy. Nonetheless, given
the severity of the situation, combined with the fact that current
methods have proven insufficient, I think it’s about time we
considered radically overhauling our approach.

Inspiration is already out there. For example, the Switch Off!
campaign (initiated in Germany in 2022, and since spreading
beyond Europe) forgets about reforming capitalism, instead
focusing on directly incapacitating the infrastructure
responsible for wrecking the planet. Such instances of sabotage
are spreading, whether they are associated with the above
banner, another one, or are not claimed at all. To mention but a
few of many relevant actions: In September 2023, the railway
network outside Hamburg was sabotaged at multiple points,
majorly disrupting one of the largest ports in Europe; in March
2024, an arson attack on the electrical grid nearby Berlin
closed down the huge Tesla Gigafactory for multiple days; in
May 2025, a double arson on a power plant and a high-voltage
pylon caused a blackout in a sizeable portion of France,
depriving an airport, various factories, and the Cannes film
festival of electricity. One might also recall that London
Gatwick airport was closed down for multiple days in 2018,
reportedly (and for motivations unknown) because a handheld
drone was flown over the runways. Despite massive police
efforts, those who performed this readily reproducible action
were never found; nor have any of the other actions mentioned
here yet led to any arrests. By contrast, conventional climate
activist tactics (for example, usage of lock-ons, tripods,
superglue) take getting arrested for granted, thereby sacrificing
our comrades to the courts, prison, and ongoing surveillance.
‘This is a high cost for actions which, besides fostering a
submissive attitude towards the authorities, have little or no
impact on the capacities for climate-trashing industries to
function.

In order to begin addressing a problem on the scale of climate
change, however, attacks against ecocidal infrastructure must
become more ambitious still. This might be phrased in terms of
‘moving beyond a focus on specific industries towards targeting
industrial civilisation altogether. The relevant centres of
production, extraction, and research must be targetted; so too
the electrical grid that binds them together, namely, the very
network which gives the system of destruction its power (in
both senses of the term) in the first place. Such a bold vision
will seem out of place to many. But it is too often forgotten that
climate change and industrial civilisation are in fact the very
same problem. The human degradation of the climate is not
something ancient; it is only as old as industrialisation itself.
Since roughly 150 years, human life has increasingly centred
on the usage of machines which convert fossil fuels into
energy, thereby emitting carbon dioxide.

* Warrior Up,
warriorup.noblogs.org
* Warzone Distro

warzonedistro.noblogs.org

* Winter Oak / Acorn
winteroak.org.uk

Anarchist Library Touchpaper
touchpaper.noblogs.org

BASQUE

Borrokan
borrokan.wordpress.com

FRENCH AND ENGLISH

* Montréal Contre-Information
‘mtlcontreinfo.org

FRENCH

* Attaque
attaque.noblogs.org

Bibliothéque anarchiste Libertad
bibliotequelibertad.noblogs.org

Bourrasque-Info
brest.mediaslibres.org

Indymedia Lille
lille.indymedia.org

Indymedia Nantes
nantes.indymedia.org

Information Anti-Autoritaire Toulouse
et Alentours
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* Marseille Infos Autonomes
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Ras la mine
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Sans Nom
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GERMAN
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knack [punkt] news
knack.news
Kontrapolis
kontrapolis.info
Switch off! The system of destruction
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* German Indymedia
de.indymedia.org

GREEK

* 1431 AM
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» Anarchy Press Gr
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» Animus Necandi

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* ANTICOVID 2019 - 2020
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Athens Indymedia
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Radical Book Academy
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Ragnarok
ragnarok.squat.gr
The Blast
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utopia-ad.org
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INDONESIAN

Arsonis
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ENGLISH
Anarchist Federation of Iran and

Afghanistan
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SPANISH

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La Zarzamora
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JAPANESE

*TF—F— Ay ZyHY
www.ne jp/asahi/anarchy/anarchy/

ITALIAN

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La Nemesi
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CATALAN

Indymedia Barcelona
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DUTCH

* Rumoer
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Indymedia Netherlands
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POLISH

Czama Teoria
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'VARIOUS LANGUAGES

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* No Trace
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Anarchist Libraries
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PORTUGUESE
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* Invasdo Sonora
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RUSSIAN

* A2DAY
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TAGALOG

Bandilang Itim
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CZECH

Kronika Odporu
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FINNISH

* Takku
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* MAK@MIK
makamik noblogs.org

~Page 16~

Human culture, in other words, has been
forced into a relationship of dependence
upon an ever-expanding infrastructure
which cannot function without poisoning
the climate. The Industrial Revolution was
only initiated a few generations ago, and
already its consequences have led many to
question the viability of life itself
outlasting the century. There could not be

a more damning indictment of this
relatively recent technological shift.
Some will respond, of course, that

industrial civilisation is not inherently
earth-wrecking, and is already in the
process of being reformed. We are talking
here about the so-called “Green
Transition” being heralded across the
political spectrum as the solution to the
climate crisis. However, it is a common
mistake to think that wind, solar, or
hydroelectric power represent genuine
alternatives to conventional methods; for
in reality they are being harnessed in
addition to fossil fuels, which are
currently being burnt in higher quantities
than ever. To think the capitalist economy
would ever consent to leaving untapped
reserves of coal, gas, or oil in the ground
misunderstands the core logic of a system
based on unlimited growth. The
consequence of record investment in
green tech, therefore, has only been to
catapult global energy usage to

unprecedented levels.

Moreover, besides failing to involve a
transition, the economic restructuring
underway is anything but green. Firstly,
fossil fuels are highly dense sources of
energy, which neither the power of
sunlight, wind, or water comes anywhere
close to matching; it follows that
“renewable energy,” if expected to
maintain current levels of intake, must
consume far greater areas of land than are
already dedicated to energy production.
Secondly, the key technologies of such
restructuring depend heavily on the
extraction of minerals, especially through
mining. For example, nickel and rare earth
minerals are required to construct solar
panels and wind turbines; lithium and
cobalt are key components of their
batteries, as well as those of electric cars,
e-bikes, and smartphones. As such, and in
the name of going “green,” the capitalist
economy is plundering every corner of the
globe in search of lucrative resources,
thereby driving ecological devastation,
forced labour, and geopolitical conflict.
Even the uncharted depths of the oceans
are in the course of getting ransacked;
next it will be asteroids and other planets.
In sum, then, what has been hyped as the
technological ~solution to the ~climate
catastrophe is but a massive lie cloaking
the further expansion of the

megamachine.

Present in the speech of almost everyone
you meet nowadays is an understanding
that humans are wrecking the biosphere —
and simultaneously committing suicide.
Yet far fewer are willing to comprehend
the crisis for what it actually is, namely,
the outcome of runaway technological
development. This is not a problem which
can be addressed by voting, petitioning,
protesting, boycotting, or investing. The
only realistic response to the climate crisis
is to attack industrial civilisation. I do not
expect that this proposal is about to
receive widespread popularity; after all, it
guarantees to destabilise the only world
almost anybody has ever known.
However, we might have to reckon with
the fact that many or most humans will
forever insist on keeping their cars,
fridges, and smartphones running — even
at the cost of forsaking the very air we
breathe. It therefore falls on those whose
priorities lie elsewhere to proceed to brave
and uncompromising action.

Submitted anonymously and posted on Act
for freedom now! on 15 Augst

hups://actforfree.noblogs.org/2025/08/15/
message-to-the-climate-movement/#more-
16102

Why are we being led to the slaughter house like sheep?

We don’t

We are being led to our slaughter. This has been theorized in a thousand ways, described in environmental, social, and political
terms, it has been prophesied, abstracted, and narrated in real time, and still we are unsure of what to do with it. The underlying
point is that the progress of society has nothing to offer us and everything to take away. Often it feels like we are giving it away
without a fight: when we sell our time for money, allow our passions to be commodified, invest ourselves in the betterment of

society, or sustain ourselves on the spoils of ecological destruction, we openly (though not consensually) participate in our own

destruction.

‘The question hangs in an ethereal and ghastly voice: Why do you let yourselves be'led to the slaughter like sheep? As Hermann
Langbein addresses in Against All Hope: Resistance in the Nazi Concentration Camps, the survivors of those most explicit of
human slaughter houses have been plagued by that question for decades, to which some have simply replied: we didn't.

[

Underneath the ubiquitous sheep-to-the-slaughter metaphor is buried a profound historical-possibility: wherever the Nazis sought to
impose domination and violence, people resisted. Behind the images of people wearing armbands, boarding trains, and walking
placidly into gas chambers, lies arich history of recalcitrance’ and insurrection. [...]

A different approach: We have already been led to our slaughter — it is all around us. The world in which we exist is a protracted
death, a sort of economically-sustained limbo in which hearts are permitted to beat only to the extent that they can facilitate the
upward stream of capital. The plague of domestication has reached into every wild space, and the lines of colonization have crossed
us more times than we can count. Every unproductive aspect of the biosphere has been flagged for eradication, from the “beam-
trawled ocean floors” to the “dynamited reefs” to the “hollowed-out mountains,” the highest calibers of technology are locked into
a perpetual killing spree chugging along in a “monotonous rhythm of death.” We who still have air in our lungs are the living dead,
and struggle daily to remember what it feels like to be alive, holding tightly to the “desire for wildness that the misery of
paycheck cannot allay.” We roam the desolate architecture of our slaughter houses (“the prison of civilization we live in”) like
ghosts who feel but cannot quite understand the vapidity of our existence. To borrow some apt phrases from the Conspiracy of
Cells of Fire (CCF): we have become thoroughly integrated into “a system that crushes us on a daily basis”, that “controls our
thoughts and our desires through screens” and “teaches us how to be happy slaves” while letting us “consider ourselves free
because we can vote and consume”, and all the while, “we, like cheerful Sisyphus, are still carrying our slavery stone and think this

is life. [...]

Then perhaps a better question might be: Why are we continuously being led to our slaughter like sheep?, to which many of us

simply reply: We aren'.

~ From Serdfinski’s “Blessed is the flame”

The present newspaper is the printed form of the project Blessed Is The Flame, which will be irregularly issued. The purpose of this
project is not only to disseminate black-flag anarchy, but more generally to disseminate the radical theory, praxis and criticism that
stems from the act of insurrectionarry armed desire, recognising that the social situation we are in, and which we did not choose,
leads our lives to bankruptcy, to the alienation of our Egos.

‘We do not attempt to persuade anyone, we do not wish to bet on the mass mobilisation of a robotised society. What we are trying to
do i contribute in building a communication bridge between those who have chosen to revolt here and now and those who want to
revolt. We are what we are because we got courage and inspiration from the rebels who show us what is possible. We do not
postpone the insurrectionary and revolutionary action for an indeterminate future because we are liberated from the bonds of hope.
‘We are not nihilists because we are simply pessimists. No, we are nihilists because the situations around us do not allow us to think
of future utopias, because we do not wait for freedom to come, but we bring freedom each time we act with defiance and without
compromise against society, state, capital, and any other aspect of civilisation. This is the most immediate realisation of anarchy.

Long live direct, anarchist and guerrilla action

No resignation, no truce, no peace
For anarchy, nihilism, and individualism